Paul Efthymios Tsongas Former Sen Paul Tsongas of Massachusetts is 50, serious, brimming with ideas and eager to play David to George Bush's Goliath. For months, he was the only Democrat in America to announce his readiness for the challenge. He has been called the "Bruce Babbitt of 1992," after the former Arizona governor who offered new ideas and challenged orthodoxy in 1988--but didn't make it beyond the New Hampshire primary. Tsongas says he's an economic Paul Revere. Perhaps the biggest obstacle to a Democratic nomination for Paul Tsongas is the shadow of that other Greek-American from Massachusetts who wanted to be president. The very notion that Democrats might turn to him to lead them after the Michael Dukakis performance is, as Tsongas himself put it, "fodder for Jay Leno and Saturday Night Live." But Tsongas has been surprising the experts since he first ran for a House seat that the GOP had held for more than a century--and won. After winning a 2d term, he took on another daunting challenge, running for the Senate against its only black member, Edward Brooke--and winning again. Tsongas' public life appeared to have ended in 1984 when he was diagnosed with cancer. He left the Senate. But he appears to have beaten cancer, too. After an experimental bone marrow transplant, his doctor says there has been no further sign of cancer. Tsongas says surviving cancer made him feel an ever greater sense of obligation to public service. That, he says, is typical of his whole life, a compulsion to serve driven by personal experiences. Tsongas grew up in a Republican household; his father ran a dry-cleaning business. He went to Dartmouth, where he switched his major from chemistry to political science. After graduating in 1962, he joined the fledgling Peace Corps and served 2 years in an Ethiopian village, where, as a 9th grade teacher, he helped build a dormitory. For the first time in his life, Tsongas says, he felt self-esteem for doing something useful to others. He returned home a Democrat. He already had his eye on a seat in the House, but first he obtained his law degree from Yale University. He had no military service. Tsongas has been out of office for 7 years, practicing law and being involved in local and state school politics. He made his decision to run for president, as he said on PBS' McNeil-Lehrer Newshour, because "I know what the country has to do, and I don't hear anyone else saying it." He also says: "I wouldn't be doing this if I wasn't convinced that I know better than other people what we ought to do." Massachusetts supporters--and he remains popular there-- speak of him as "sincere," "unpretentious" and "candid." Others see him as "hokey," "smug" or "arrogant." Tsongas was born in Lowell, Mass, on Feb 14, 1941. His wife, Nicola (Nikki) is also an attorney. They have 3 daughters, Ashley, 17; Katina, 13; and Molly, 9. A seemingly shy man with an easy, often self-deprecating sense of humor, he's said to be "limp" on the podium, slurring or swallowing his words, but never angry. If nothing else, however, he is driven. At Dartmouth, he was determined to become a swimmer and earned a letter his senior year. He draws on that experience to sum up his presidential hopes. "I guess that's where I'm comfortable," he says. "Starting way back doesn't bother me." Tsongas' Program Tsongas sees America as a nation in serious economic decline. To reverse that trend, he says, "Both parties are going to have to abandon the rusty core elements of their economic philosophies." Republicans, he says, have to jettison their "slavish adherence" to free market ideology, which he says rules out a role for government as a partner with private business. Tsongas believes George Bush is so trapped by his own popularity that he dares not even acknowledge the problem-- and is therefore unable to come up with solutions. Tsongas talks of "Shazaam Democrats" who, he says, look at the economy like an ATM machine: You push a button and money pours out. They fail to realize, he says, that someone has to be putting the money into the machine. Now, he says, there is no more pie to divide. To create a larger pie, Democrats have to give up their anti-business, class-warfare rhetoric and become pro-business liberals like himself. "You cannot redistribute wealth you never created, and if you're pro-jobs you'd better be pro-business because that's where the jobs are," he declares. Tsongas makes a vast array of specific proposals, many of which would be anathema to a traditional Democrat: * A cut in the capital gains tax on long-term investment. * A research and development tax credit. * Looser antitrust laws to permit joint ventures by businesses in the same industry. * A national energy policy that includes higher taxes on gasoline and greater reliance on nuclear energy as part of an environmental policy that tackles global warming. Tsongas' main pitch is that American business is in deep trouble and there is no leadership offering a hand. Japan and Germany are able to trash American companies with impunity because their governments have an industrial policy, and they offer coordination and support. "American companies need the US government as a full partner if they are to have any hope of competing internationally," he says. Giving such support to business is a true liberal policy because it fosters the creation of new jobs and leads to that bigger pie of benefit to all, Tsongas maintains. Tsongas calls on Democrats to return to "the values of our ancestors." Today's generation, he says, must accept its responsibility to future generations and not leave them saddled with debt and a poisoned environment. The Tsongas Campaign As an unknown challenger, Tsongas takes a predictable approach: he campaigns as an "outsider" running against Washington insiders. "Enough of Washington mediocrity," he declares in one speech. In another, he attacks the "Beltway mentality"-- saying that those inside the Washington Beltway have lost contact with the problems the rest of America faces. It's a campaign that plays on the restlessness among voters fed up with "politics as usual"--which showed up in the 1990 election. If money is the measure of a successful campaign, Tsongas says his campaign has passed its first milestone with flying colors: It has raised enough money to qualify for matching contributions from the Federal Election Fund. To do so, he had to raise $5,000 in each of 20 states from individual contributions of not more than $250 each. His states included California, New York, New Hampshire (where the first primary will be held) and 5 southern states. He also received contributions from Washington, DC. Tsongas said his campaign raised $500,000 in the first half of 1991. Even if many other Democrats try for the nomination, Tsongas says he will still stand out in the crowd. "I am not running to be president," he says. "I'm running to spread this message. I must not do what Democrats usually do and bend to special interests. I am the message. If I bend, I have no message." Some of his potential rivals say the message is skewed. Instead of tax breaks for the rich, they say--using the argument raised against George Bush--why not some for the middle class? Tsongas admits his message won't be an easy sell.