SPECIAL

INVESTIGATIVE

REPORT

to the attention of

UNITED

STATES

FIREARMS

OWNERS

F

L

O

R

I

O

G

A

T

E

$$$

HOW

THE ISSUE OF

"GUN CONTROL"

WAS USED

TO FACILITATE

AND CONCEAL

WIDESPREAD POLITICAL CORRUPTION

THROUGHOUT

NEW JERSEY

$$$

"Americans have the right and advantage of being armed - unlike the citizens of other countries whose governments are afraid to trust the people with arms."

James Madison

***

Over the past 75 years, Americans have witnessed a growing controversy regarding the "Right to Keep and Bear Arms". They have also witnessed the overly aggressive actions of a growing number of legislators within all levels of our government to eliminate that right.

Rarely bought into this often heated debate has been the ultimate reality of firearms prohibition and the exact impact such legislation, once in force, would have on the American public at large.

This investigative report provides a full understanding of what "gun control" ultimately means in real, everyday terms. No theory, no conjecture, no presumptions - simply fact. It documents events which have already occurred here in the United States.

Although this report only addresses the various steps undertaken in eliminating one classification of firearm, the "Assault Weapon", the criminal actions of Governor Florio and key legislators within the government of New Jersey are relevant to similar efforts restricting lawful firearms ownership across America.

NEW JERSEY

INVESTIGATIVE REPORT

***

THE LINK BETWEEN

"GUN CONTROL"

AND

POLITICAL CORRUPTION

On May 30, 1990, New Jersey Governor Jim Florio signed the "Assault Weapon Ban" into law. This action was heralded as a bold and rational step in the war against crime by advocates for gun control throughout the United States.

Since its passage, it has been highly publicized as a monument to the courage and leadership of Governor Florio, and of those legislators who supported and voted the legislation into law against the powerful forces of the "gun lobby".

The 1993 John F. Kennedy Profile in Courage Award was, in fact, been bestowed upon Governor Florio in recognition of his role in establishing the most restrictive "gun control" law in America.

This investigative report chronicles the background, legislative history, true reasons, as well as the actual negotiations behind the passage of this controversial legislation. It documents a side of the "gun control" issue never before exposed... and issues clear and undeniable proof as to the extent of corruption, bribery, manipulation, blackmail, deceit, fraud and perjury, supporters of "gun control" legislation are willing to pursue.

PREFACE

New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" law of 1990 created an overnight in
crease in the number of felons in New Jersey by a conservative estimate of at least 300,000 individuals. After three years in effect, it has received virtually zero percent compliance by the licensed fire arms owners of this state; thereby placing a significant percentage of its residents in permanent fear of arrest and prosecution.

Far removed from the publicized objective of reducing firearms related crime, the "Assault Weapons" ban provided a windfall oppor tunity for many New Jersey legislators, both Democrat and Republican, to reap huge financial benefits through privately negotiating their vote with the Governor's office. For Governor Florio, it provided not only unprecedented exposure in the media, but an effective smokescreen for the many highly criticized and unpopular decisions of his administration as well.

Clear to both sides of the issue is the fact that the media played a critical role. Equally important to their wholesale distortion, manipu lation, and outright lies regarding this legislation, the media made the noticeable decision of placing their long time agenda for firearms prohibition ahead of their responsibility to the public interest. In their zeal to restrict lawful firearms ownership, the media knowingly ignored blatant examples of fraud, corruption, blackmail, conspiracy, kickbacks and assorted other criminal activities of our highest ranking political figures. In a state historically recognized for decades of rampant political corruption, the obvious absence of any political watchdog simply fanned the flames of corruption and greed - providing politicians across the state with, in effect, total immunity to plunder New Jersey's public treasury as they operated IN THEIR OWN INTEREST.

Since the "Assault Weapons" ban has taken the place of any effective anti-crime legislation, all New Jersey residents have now become drawn into this controversy. Violent crime statistics continue to escalate, which, not surprisingly, has provided many politicians the opportunity to call for even further "gun controls". Both New Jersey political figures as well as the media have totally ignored official State Justice Department statistics showing that even the criminal use of such weapons is less than 1/50th of 1 percent - obviously NOT the crime pandemic originally described.

New Jersey's already overburdened law enforcement agencies, courts, public defenders and correctional institutions are now faced with the task of addressing the massive non-compliance of this unpopular, illegal, and unenforceable legislation by their lawful owners - rather than the growing threat of violent crime. Despite the fact that there are not enough jail cells available nationwide to house the newly defined criminals created by this single "Assault Weapons" law, New Jersey continues to direct the rigorous prosecution of those firearms owners arrested under this unconstitutional, complex, poorly defined, yet far reaching piece of legislation.

Select municipalities around the state have taken preliminary steps to enforce the law by examining firearms registration lists, contacting owners, and seizing prohibited firearms. Since the intent of the "Assault Weapons" legislation was not only to eliminate the lawful sales of such weapons, but to withdraw from circulation those weapons already in private possession, full implementation of this legislation will mandate the State of New Jersey launch house to house weapons searches.

At that point, and possibly before, such blatant government provocation and violation against individual freedoms and basic civil rights will ultimately be met with resistance, violence, injury and death. And by the facts of the issue presented here and throughout the past four years of this controversy -

All

Unnecessary!

PURPOSE OF INVESTIGATION

This investigative report briefly summarizes the corrupt activities within Governor Florio's administration as witnessed by individuals on all sides of the issue.

It will show that Governor Florio blatantly violated his sworn Oath Of Office to the People, and to the Constitution of the State of New Jersey.

It will expose Governor Florio's widespread abuse of the power of the Governor's office, and his squan dering of hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars solely for his own political gain.

It will show that New Jersey State Legislators Salmon, Bryant, Doria, Costa, Martin, Marsella, Kalik, Ambrosio, Bassano, Rand, Pelly, Van Wagner, Dalton, Ford, Russo, Cimino, Foy, Peterniti, DiFrancesco and others, all benefited monetarily in return for selling their votes and influence. It will link the votes of these and other key Democratic and Republican legislators to acts of political blackmail, fraud, manipulation, intimidation and payoffs arranged and endorsed by Jim Florio.

It will show that the critical, deciding vote of N.J. Republican Senator William Gormley was cast in return for Governor Florio's pledge to place the construction of a $330 Million dollar convention center in his legislative district of Atlantic City.

It will show that it is virtually impossible to oppose any major political figure whom is willing to dedicate the full human and monetary resources of his or her administrative office in pursuit of a single, obsessive goal.

It will show that the 1993 attempt to repeal New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" legislation failed primarily due to Governor Florio's use of blackmail against Republican Senate President Donald DiFrancesco over his involvement in a fraudulent property transaction.

It will reveal the massive fraud that has evolved from our supposedly "Free Press", and the degree to which the media has corrupted our First Amendment rights in blind pursuit of the destruction of the Second Amendment.

It will show that the call for "Gun Control" is increasingly being used to provide a cover for political corruption nationwide.

It will show that New Jersey's "Assault Weapon" legislation was unwarranted; that without the corrupting influence of Governor Florio, this legislation would never have become law; and that beneath the cover provided by the "gun control" issue, much of New Jersey politics has transformed into the role of an organized criminal enterprise.

BACKGROUND

New Jersey has maintained extremely strict control over the purchase, possession and use of all firearms since 1966. ALL firearms purchasers must first pass a thorough background check by their local police department, the New Jersey State Police, the FBI, as well as a search through all state mental health records. A New Jersey Firearms I.D. Card is issued to approved individuals which allows the purchase of rifles, shotguns and BB guns. BB guns are legally classified as "firearms", for which the failure to possess the required permits is a third degree offense.

Handgun purchasers must submit to a new police investigation for EVERY handgun purchased. A separate permit to carry a concealed firearm is technically available to residents following police and Superior Court approval. In reality, however, firearm carry permits are only approved to politically connected individuals. The 1990 N.J. Supreme Court decision of IN RE PREIS upheld the N.J. Superior Court denial of a carry permit for private investigators and security guards - effectively eliminating an individual right to carry a firearm under even documented, life threatening circumstances. Licenses for fully automatic (true Assault Weapons) are not approved under any circumstances.

All permits and licenses are, in fact, EXEMPTIONS to a state legal code which prohibits the possession of all firearms and ammunition, and PRESUMES anyone in possession of a weapon to be guilty of illegal possession until they are able to prove otherwise. New Jersey State Police recruits are trained to arrest anyone under any conditions in possession of a firearm in spite of their state issued permits.

Officially, New Jersey courts view firearms laws and regulations as a means to "reduce the proliferation of firearms within the public", as opposed to a means of differentiating between lawful and unlawful firearms ownership and use. Notwithstanding the extensive investigation of all permit holders, and contrary to the fundamental freedoms upon which the United States was built, the legal cornerstone of "innocent until proven guilty" has not existed in the State of New Jersey for the past 25 years.

According to the office of the Attorney General, New Jersey's back ground check has denied the legal purchase of firearms to more than 10,000 individuals over the past 25 years - an average of 400 denials per year. That number includes individuals denied permits due to their criminal past as well as legitimate applicants denied due to non- criminal related reasons and various locally imposed technicalities.

Looking at the statistically ZERO PERCENT level of firearms related crime reported within New Jersey's firearms permit holders, it is obvious that the New Jersey permit process does restrict the criminal population from obtaining firearms through legal channels. A look at the high level of firearms related crime in the state, however, demon strates that even this strict licensing arrangement has had NO EFFECT on the state's firearms related crime problem.

Based upon N.J. Uniform Crime Report statistics showing OVER 11,000 REPORTED INSTANCES of firearms related violence in the year 1992 alone, it is very reasonable to assume that criminals are aware of the current permit system, and do not attempt to evade detection in order to legally purchase weapons for use in their crimes.

Some percentage of the 400 permit refusals per year reported by the State Police undoubtedly relate to criminal applicants. However, the majority of I.D. Card and Handgun Permit denials relate to individuals who are refused for reasons exceeding the denial criteria of the N.J. firearms code and the authority of the issuing police department. Many of those denials are, in fact, subsequently approved on appeal.

Through this stringent permit system, virtually all lawful firearms owners are registered with both the State Police and their local police departments. Handguns and most long guns are also registered. There are an officially recorded 1.2 MILLION New Jersey Firearms I.D. Card holders owning an undefined number of rifles and shotguns as well as roughly 1 MILLION legally owned handguns in the state. Police sources place the total number of legally owned firearms in private hands at 3-4 MILLION.

BIRTH OF THE "ASSAULT WEAPONS" LEGISLATION

In 1988, N.J. Senate President John Russo introduced legislative Bill #S.23 - a proposal to ban the private sale and possession of all hand guns in New Jersey. Unable to establish either political, public, or police support for his proposal, Russo, a staunch opponent to the lawful ownership of firearms, was instead handed a humiliating defeat of his legislation at the hands of the "gun lobby". That defeat had secondary implications, in the fact that Russo had intended to use the resulting public exposure from his proposed ban as a foundation for his bid for New Jersey Governor.

Although Senator Russo had received some positive coverage for his proposed handgun legislation, his efforts to build political support for the Governorship was weakening in other areas. The media had publicized several past political improprieties (such as unused commercial properties leased to the State of New Jersey and linked to dummy corporations under his ownership) and had been relent lessly critical of the fact that his entire immediate family had received extremely high paying jobs in state government.

His involvement in a sensational 1984 murder case was known through most inner circles but generally unknown to the public. (This case was later turned into a book and network television movie; naming Russo, by agreement, through a fictitious name)

Through his strong political connections, Senator Russo had been able to steer the murder investigation away from a material witness (and possible suspect) with whom he, himself, was having an extramarital affair. Becoming even further involved in the case, Senator Russo would also provide legal counsel to the murder victim's husband (later convicted of murder for hire).

Threatening to explode into a devastating scandal, various newspa pers had begun to publicly question Russo's involvement and manipulation of both the New Jersey State Police and Ocean County prosecutor in the investigation and handling of the Marshall "Blind Faith" murder case. Assertions that Senator Russo had influenced Ocean County Prosecutor Edward Turnbach were later reinforced by Senator Russo's submission and subsequent appointment of Turnbach as a New Jersey Superior Court Judge - a position to which Turnbach had long aspired. In addition to his potential political scandals, the media had also begun to hint at Russo's ties to high ranking members of Ocean County's organized crime syndicate. But again, little was known at the time by the public.

In early 1989, Jim Florio, Senator Russo, and Senator Frank Graves met privately to discuss the upcoming primary race - Florio and Russo being the two contenders for the Democratic nomination. Jim Florio's interest was to gain the nomination unopposed - an important first step in order to succeed against an expected strong Republican candidate, and an entrenched eight year Republican administration.

Here, and in meetings to follow, Jim Florio underscored the consequences any widespread media revelations of Russo's back ground would have on his long and very prosperous political career; in effect blackmailing the Senate President. With a continuing slide in popularity, and following additional meetings and negotiations, Senator Russo ultimately abandoned his plans to enter the June Democratic primary - leaving Jim Florio a clear path to the nomina tion.

In their three part agreement, Senator Graves, a respected senior legislator with a reputation for "law and order" issues, agreed to sponsor legislation prohibiting the purchase and/or possession of "Assault Weapons" within New Jersey. Jim Florio, in turn, agreed to make the passage of an "Assault Weapon" ban a top priority of his campaign and future administration. Pending his success in the November 1989 elections, Jim Florio also promised Senator Russo's law firm the appointment as legal counsel to the New Jersey Sports and Exposition Authority - a contract worth millions of dollars in legal revenues. In addition, Senator Russo's daughter would receive an appointment within the new Florio administration.

Jim Florio quickly captured the support of the Democratic Party, which, due to their strong national platform favoring all forms of "gun control", placed new demands upon him to adopt a strong, pro "gun- control" campaign. Senators Russo and Lesniak, dominating figures over the Democratic State Committee, used the leverage of the money and power they controlled to further pressure Jim Florio into supporting a strong "gun control" position.

Among the many sources of financial backing, Jim Florio had also turned to United States Senator Frank Lautenberg, but was told that without significant commitment to the Graves "Assault Firearms" ban, there would be no endorsement, election volunteers or financial support. Senator Lautenerg's vehement opposition to private firearms ownership had long been a personal prerequisite in supporting Democratic candidates from the level of County and above.

FOR JIM FLORIO, THE SUPPORT OF NEW "GUN CONTROLS"

HAD BECOME A

RE QUIREMENT OF HIS

GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDACY.

Up until this point in time, Jim Florio had been strongly supportive of the right to legally own and use firearms, and had avoided involvement in the growing controversy over banning semi-automatic weapons. During his career as New Jersey Congressman, Jim Florio had supported lawful gun ownership even to the point of earning an A rating by the National Rifle Association. In a 1977 statement regarding "gun control", then Congressman Florio had stated:

"Our job is both political and educational. Members of Congress can try to keep the dike plugged as long as possible, but in the long run, the threat to hunters and shooters will only subside when lawmakers and the public in general are re- educated about firearms and crime. Gun control is not a legitimate solution to crime, but as long as crime continues to rise, it nonetheless gives gun control enthusiasts an issue to seize upon".

"The longer our lawmakers distract themselves from this task by embracing the follies of gun control, the more grim our crime situation will become, and the louder, in turn, will be the call for more gun control. It is a vicious cycle which can be broken by education and by focusing on the real issues of crime. When we accomplish that we can all breath a little easier".

Due precisely to his staunch support of the Second Amendment and to lawful private firearms ownership, Jim Florio had, in fact, received strong backing by New Jersey's gun owners and an endorsement by the National Rifle Association in his 1981 race for New Jersey Governor.

In the spring of 1989, following highly profiled national crimes using military resembling semi-automatic weapons months before, N.J. Democratic Senator Frank Graves introduced legislation to prohibit the lawful purchase of such firearms by New Jersey residents. Despite Senator Graves' advance publicity campaign, and his flamboyant claims to the media that such firearms "can be purchased as easily as a box of cracker jack in any hardware store", most state legislators recognized there was no problem with the use of "Assault Weapons" in New Jersey and gave little attention to the issue.

At the same time, Jim Florio's campaign advisors were adamantly opposed to any high profile attack against firearms owners, and had warned him the possible consequences of enraging such a strong lobbying group during an election year - citing previous "gun control" failures as well as the difficulties they had caused their sponsors. With the Democratic nomination in hand, Florio backed off his promise to make the "Assault Weapons" legislation a front line public issue and raised few comments about semi-automatic firearms during the early months of his campaign.

Infuriated at what seemed to be an obvious break in their agreement, Senators Russo and Graves held a major press conference display ing tables of fully automatic weapons, grenade launchers, silencers, and other military weapons taken from Nation Guard and State Police armories; claiming them to be easily available from any New Jersey gun store to criminals and drug dealers. Through his grandstand performance, Senator Russo produced a media feeding frenzy of anti- gun hysteria which, in effect, forced Jim Florio to uphold his commitment made months earlier. Jim Florio privately reaffirmed his pledge to make the gun issue a top priority following his succession into office, but held back much of his public exposure on the issue for the remainder of the gubernatorial campaign.

After months of hearings and debate throughout the summer of 1989, New Jersey legislators ultimately refused to pass Senator Graves' "Assault Weapons" legislation - which even failed release for public hearing and a vote from Graves own Law and Public Safety commit tee.

By most accounts, the emotional stress caused by the tens of thou sands of letters and phone calls directed to Senator Graves' legislative and business offices and to his home in opposition to his legislation contributed to his health problems and sudden heart attack in March of 1990, soon following the failure of his legislation. Senate bill S.166 ended with the death of Senator Graves; only to be revised and reintroduced immediately by Senate President Russo in the form of Senate Bill S.166 - significantly affixing the same bill number from the earlier Graves legislation.

With the succession in January 1990 of not only Jim Florio as Governor, but of a Democratic majority in both the Assembly and Senate, the Graves/Russo "Assault Weapons" legislation was moved ahead as a top priority of the new administration.

Senator Russo's legislation normally would have been directed again to the Committee on Law and Public Safety, where it would have likely remained with not enough votes for release. Now, however, as the Russo bill, the Senate President transferred it to the Judiciary Committee under which Senator Russo and Senator Edward O'Connor (another of the Senate's most extreme opponents to private firearms ownership) had full control. The bill was immediately released from committee onto the floor for public hearings.

More than simply a continuation of Senator Graves' previous "Assault Weapons" proposal, Governor Florio and Senate President Russo transformed S.166 into a memorial to the late Senator Graves and a means by which legislators could demonstrate their personal respect. From an original three pages, the new Russo "Assault Weapons" bill was not only 22 pages long, it contained some of the most restrictive legislation against lawful firearms ownership ever seen. Equal to its purpose as a "gun control" measure, Senator Russo' Bill, S.166, would also become the vehicle to show one's opposition, defiance and hatred for firearms owners and most importantly, the NRA.

MEDIA FRAUD AND MANIPULATION

Simultaneously, and for the next two months, all television and press reports began listing all crime involved weapons as "High Capacity", "Semi-Automatic", "Assault Type", "Rapid Firing" etc., - in an all out effort to condition the unknowing public. Television demonstrations of fully automatic weapons along with film clips from war documentaries were frequently mixed with calls for banning such weapons from the streets of New Jersey - even though such weapons had never been legally available to the public, nor were even their illegal use a significant factor in crimes.

Florio needed no prompting whatsoever to find the support he needed from the media. Virtually every major newspaper ran at least one editorial or feature article each week; frightening the unaware public into believing they could be murdered at any time by an "Assault Weapon". Overnight, "Assault Weapons" took the place of "Saturday Night Specials" (which had taken the place of the "plastic gun" or "Teflon bullet" years earlier) as the newest vehicle to both attract public attention and promote anti-gun hysteria.

For the most part, the media was aware of the facts of the issue, but chose to exploit the public's unfamiliarity and misunderstanding between semi-automatic firearms, and machineguns or fully- automatic firearms. Efforts made by shooting clubs, sportsmens' groups, and even police authorities to inject facts into the controversy were totally ignored by the press - which unabashedly repeated Florio's fabrications that such weapons were being legally bought by drug gangs in record number from local gun stores - this in order to kill "outgunned" police and helpless civilians.

"Gun control" groups such as Handgun Control, Inc. and the New Jersey Center to Prevent Handgun Violence quickly endorsed Florio's legislation; using their own funds and media contacts to flood newspaper, radio and television even further with sensationalist but false claims of violence. Governor Florio's objective was to firmly establish a link between guns to crime in the minds of New Jersey residents. And although it would never be publicly stated in direct terms, the problem of growing criminal violence would nevertheless be attributed to New Jersey's lawful firearms owners.

Frequent "Public Opinion Polls" were reported; with virtually all showing a strong (70% or greater) opposition to "Assault Weapons". Yet, when even lightly questioned, most private individuals had no idea what these weapons were, knew little about the proposed legislation and whom would be affected, and had no knowledge of the Constitutional violations such legislation would produce.

After months of non-stop mental conditioning, however, Governor Florio and the media succeeded in creating the public opinion that, "There is too much crime - criminals use guns - "Assault Weapons" are killing our police officers - therefore, we must to something to get "Assault Weapons" off our streets."

Today, that public opinion remains, along with the exact same confusion and misunderstandings. The New Jersey public is generally aware that some firearms have been banned. They remain completely misinformed, however, regarding any specifics of the legislation.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONCERNS

Contrary to the terminology used today, the legislation contained in N.J. Bill #S.166 NEVER "banned" any firearms. Instead it simply RE-
CLASSIFIED existing firearms by manufacturer, model, type, firing capacity or physical attachment, and required approval of a newly created "Assault Firearms" license in order to either retain lawful possession of a previously purchased firearm or to purchase new firearms within the "Assault Firearms" category.

Authors of the "Assault Weapon" bill were extremely careful in drafting legislation that did not make the subject firearms illegal and thereby violate the Second Amendment. In fact, the sponsor of S.166, Senator John Russo, publicly stated during an early legislative hearing that, while he felt S.166 was not a true "ban" on any firearm, it's severe restriction on their possession would be enough an infringement of the Second Amendment to warrant its overturn in the courts.

In the first few months of the controversy, Governor Florio similarly defended his legislation to critics as simply a more strict licensing arrangement, well within the ability of legitimate gun owners and sportsmen to apply for and receive, and in no way a firearms "ban".

Today, S.166 remains technically nothing more than a licensing restriction - NOT A FIREARMS "BAN"! Due to the severe procedural limitations and mandatory N.J. Superior Court approval, however, no resident has received such a license, nor do police departments even inventory "Assault Firearm" application forms. With this law now firmly in place, Governor Florio, the media, and "gun control" supporters across the United States, proudly (though fraudulently) publicize it as a "total ban on assault weapons". Throughout his term, Governor Florio publicly boasted that New Jersey would never issue an "Assault Weapon" license - even under conditions where an applicant is able to fully comply with the strict licensing guidelines.

LEGISLATIVE CONCERNS

Initial opinion on the legislation split almost directly down party lines - Democrats favored the legislation, while Republicans were solidly opposed. Governor Florio, Senator Russo and the media heavily promoted the bill as a way to take UZI's, AK-47's, and other "machineguns" out of the hands of New Jersey's criminals and drug dealers. In reality, however, S.166 would impact only licensed individuals who had acquired their firearms through legal means and could be tracked down and forced to surrender them. Criminals would not be affected by S.166. Florio's claim that his legislation only affected "weapons of war", as opposed to "legitimate sporting arms", was quickly shown to be a complete and outright lie.

As details regarding S.166 began to surface, public opposition increased - causing numerous Democratic legislators to rethink their position. To anyone even remotely familiar S.166, there was certainly cause to be alarmed. Not only did this legislation make lawfully obtained firearms illegal and require their surrender, sale or destruction, S.166 also made it technically impossible for any willing firearms owner to comply with the legislation and retain possession of their lawfully owned firearms. Other concerns followed.

Possession of a firearm legally purchased and owned for years but now reclassified as an "Assault Weapon" became a third degree crime with a statutory five year sentence and $7,500 fine. Possession of an empty ammo clip or magazine exceeding a capacity of 15 cartridges, even without ownership or possession of suitable ammunition or firearm, was classified a third degree crime carrying an 18 month sentence and $1,500 fine per offense. Owners of any "Assault Firearm", under the strict liability of S.166, became FOREVER responsible for the criminal misuse of that firearm by any third party - even if the firearm was stolen! "Assault Weapons" could not be sold or passed down to future generations.

While many high profile weapons such as the AK-47, UZI and AR-15 were named outright, the general definition of "Assault Weapon" was written in such broad terms as to prohibit ownership of the great majority of semi-automatic rifles and shotguns ever manufactured. Boy scout .22 cal. rifles, semi-auto trap and skeet guns, target and competition rifles, as well as firearms dating back past the beginning of World War One were reclassified by this legislation as "Assault Weapons", "Drug Guns" and "Weapons of War". Since BB guns were technically classified as shotguns in New Jersey, requiring the same background check and firearms permit as for true firearms, they too were reclassified as "Assault Weapons" due solely to the number of BB's such a "firearm" could hold. With such revelations, the passage of Governor Florio's firearms legislation fell into serious jeopardy.

At this same time, however, public outrage was intensifying over the Governor's record breaking $2.8 billion dollar tax hike, his $2 billion dollar increase in state spending, school refunding, insurance, and property tax/wealth redistribution; all very controversial pieces of legislation which had been rammed through his Democratically controlled legislature immediately upon taking office. Outrage was fuming over the contempt Governor Florio had shown the public, and to the fact that they had little or no opportunity to register their opposi tion to his agenda.

Desperately needing a high profile issue to divert public and media attention away from the growing controversy over his actions, Governor Florio turned the full attention of his administration again toward the support of Senator Russo's "Assault Weapons" legislation.

Following their own agenda, the media was providing continuous support for Senator Russo's legislation in the form of daily commentaries on the enormous death and destruction caused by such firearms; fully ignoring the fact that the criminal use of such weapons were so insignificant they were not even listed by the New Jersey State Police or Justice Department in crime summaries.

Nevertheless, constant media stories regarding the "Assault Weapons" issue would continue to flood the news - featuring the Governor out in front of the camera, handling an UZI or AK-47, and asking why such were weapons should be permitted on the streets of New Jersey to "mow down" the state's police officers and innocent civilians. Governor Florio's press corps devoted their full efforts in placing the Governor at every possible headline crime location in order to record film clips for the evening news - drawing examples for the need of such legislation where, in virtually all cases, an "Assault Weapon" was not even used.

Looking to further maximize Governor Florio's public perception, political advisors James Carville and others, were also carefully scripting his speeches and commentaries before news cameras. (Coincidentally, Governor Florio had been secretly spending state funds to attend diction and public speaking classes in New York City; this, in an attempt to improve his personal appearance by controlling his pained and troublesome speech irregularities and to soften his abrasive tone). Within weeks, New Jersey residents were viewing a new, positive, and more refined Governor; vowing to take on the powerful NRA in order to safeguard the lives of the police and inno cent New Jersey residents.

Such Positive Publicity Could Not Be Bought At Any Price.

Governor Florio, however, fully realized the uncertainty of passing such legislation without stronger backing. In order to fulfill his promises, the Governor demanded and received the active support of his cabinet, as well as virtually every state agency, department and bureau. In most cases, support went further than simply a strong public endorsement. Many departments heads used the labor of their employees along with money from their own budgets to further the Governor's agenda.

LEGISLATIVE ARM TWISTING

Recognizing much weakened legislative backing, Governor Florio also began an offensive within his own Democratic ranks. Those Democratic legislators softening their support of S.166 were threatened with the loss of chairmanships and key committee posts - high positions of power in any political structure.

With John Russo as acting Senate President, uncooperative legisla tors were directly threatened that their proposed legislation would not be released for vote, nor would those bills already passed be signed by the Governor. Given the full cooperation of the Democratic State Committee, Governor Florio threatened to withhold election funding, election volunteers and future backing from any Democratic legislator not supporting his "Assault Weapons" legislation. Accusations of such activities were made during public hearings on the legislation, yet no notice was taken by the media.

Such direct threats were very effective at deciding the vote of weaker legislators having little concern over the issue. For other legislators who would recognize the importance of this issue to the Governor, far greater incentives would be required.

Having far less than the required number of votes necessary for passage, and with increasing pressure against the proposed legislation from NRA and state sportsmens' groups, Governor Florio and various members of his administration moved the lobbying for the "Assault Weapons" legislation into an area far exceeding any definition of political "strong-arm" tactics.

The Governor Identified Those Individuals He Could Manipulate, And Offered Various Incentives To Guarantee Their

Vote Of Support.

BUYING THE POLICE

The earlier failure of Senator Graves' "Assault Weapons" legislation had been partly due to a lack of backing by police. Looking to gain their critical support, Governor Florio began negotiations with top police officials immediately.

Representing approximately 15,000 rank and file members in New Jersey, the state leader of the Police Benevolent Association, Frank Genese, was a strong opponent to the proposed legislation. In numerous discussions, Genese had assured members of New Jersey's shooting sports organizations that the PBA would continue to oppose the "Assault Weapons" legislation as they had done with the Graves legislation the year before. A formal poll taken of their entire New Jersey membership showed over 80% of its members being opposed to Governor Florio's legislation. In fact, it would later be revealed that a large percentage of New Jersey police officers possessed one or more such "Assault Weapons" as part of their own firearms collections.

Nevertheless, the promise of a future position within the Governor's administration moved Genese to abandon the interests of his members, and throw full support along with the Governor. Frank Genese would later receive a position as a confidential consultant to the Commissioner of the New Jersey Department of Corrections.

Likewise, Governor Florio also contacted the head of the New Jersey State Association of Chiefs of Police, Anthony Parenti, and represen tatives of the Fraternal Order of Police - asking for their support. Similar to the PBA, the leadership of NJSACOP and FOP were united in their opposition to the "Assault Weapons" ban in the form in which it was presented. As police chief of Fanwood, Parenti long supported firearms owners and had publicly cited the positive influence the large number of privately owned firearms had made in discouraging crime in his own town.

Unknown to the PBA, FOP or NJSACOP membership, however, Governor Florio would once again bypass all police concerns about his legislation by introducing upcoming negotiations over police pension benefits as the primary negotiating point. In return for administrative support of the "Assault Weapons" legislation, the Governor offered to establish low interest mortgage loans for police officers, as well as increase surviving spouse benefits and retirement pay.

In previous meetings, the majority of New Jersey police chiefs and their officers had expressed opposition to the "Assault Weapons" legislation. Numerous police officials had testified in opposition to the Graves bill in legislative hearings - citing both the lack of a problem with so called "Assault Weapons" as well as their conviction that such a ban would not affect criminals since it only addressed lawful permit holders. In an official poll taken within the FOP, more than 80% of the members opposed the Governor's legislation.

During the April 5, 1990 meeting of the New Jersey State Association of Chiefs of Police, a formal vote was taken in which only 1 out of 197 of those questioned supported the governors ban in the form it was presented; raising the major concern that the present legislation had been greatly expanded over the original Graves bill of 3 pages. A motion was passed to not take any position, but to again table discussion on the legislation as they had done with the Graves bill back in 1989.

During that same April 5th meeting, Chief Parenti made a formal motion that he be designated to negotiate various concerns and amendments with Steven Perskie, Governor Florio's then Chief of Staff. Parenti suggested to his members that the NJSACOP recommendation to the Governor be: "We feel law enforcement has not had enough input in this bill. In concept there are parts of the bill we like, also parts we disagree with... Because this is such an important bill, we should be given an opportunity to be in on the construction of the bill."

A motion was passed to delegate Chief Parenti the task of discussing the legislation with the Governor's office. The meeting closed with Chief Parenti's warning for all members not to discuss the contents of their meeting with any outside source and to refer any questions from the press regarding the "Assault Weapons" legislation directly to himself.

Chief Parenti's follow-up meetings with the Governor's office led to an agreement whereby the New Jersey State Association of Chiefs of Police would strongly support the "Assault Weapons" ban in its current form. In return, uniformed police officers would receive a significant package of benefits - some benefits being tripled. Chief Parenti's agreement to support the ban also included the promise of an appointment to the New Jersey Racing Commission at a future date. Parenti owned race horses, specifically trotters, and was heavily involved with the horse racing circuit at the New Jersey Meadowlands Racetrack. Reportedly, his interest in horse racing had led to sizeable gambling debts.

Following that April 5, 1990 NJSACOP meeting, the subject of the "Assault Weapons" legislation was never again raised or voted upon by the membership. Yet, in numerous press conferences with the Governor, Chief Parenti would state that his police association had voted overwhelmingly in favor of the legislation - even though the written evidence of NJSACOP official minutes proved otherwise. Parenti praised Governor Florio's legislation as a means to save the lives of New Jersey police officers by removing deadly weapons from the hands of dangerous criminals and drug dealers.

PBA president, Frank Genese, also made numerous public appear ances with the Governor to champion the ban; his part of the deal to increase police pensions. The Fraternal Order of Police provided tacit approval of the Governor's legislation by not publicly opposing S.166. Privately, however, they maintained a very low-key position opposing the bill.

The New Jersey State Police, with their long time opposition to all private firearms ownership, provided Governor Florio with the strongest support for his "Assault Weapons" ban. State Police provided the media with endless samples of exotic weapons to photograph, and the almost weekly demonstrations showing the effect high velocity bullets produce against tomato soup cans, milk jugs, melons, and other foodstuffs.

The endorsements made by the police hierarchy did not stop individual police chiefs and police officers from opposing the "Assault Weapons" legislation on their own. It did, however, prompt numerous disciplinary charges to be filed against police officers making their criticisms public.

In their testimony at legislative hearings, police officers opposed to S.166 cited the tremendous pressure placed upon them to not testify. During a March 20, 1990 rally in which an excess of 7,000 firearms owners turned out to protest the Governor's proposed legislation, New Jersey State Police recorded license plate numbers of parked cars throughout the area surrounding the Trenton State House Annex. State Police agents were observed photographing the crowd and the rally's lead participants using telephoto lenses. Having been warned against attending, police officers whom had taken off the workday and appeared in uniform to show their support, took it upon themselves to mask their badges and lapel identification in order to prevent further harassment by their superiors.

PUBLIC HEARINGS - A DOG AND PONY SHOW

Public hearings on the "Assault Weapons" legislation were rushed through the Judiciary Committee as more or less a formality. Each hearing would include a table full of machineguns, silencers and other contraband weapons provided by the State Police armory for the press corps to photograph. Police officers from the State Police formed a human shield surrounding each table of weapons to signify the extreme inherent danger such weapons possessed.

Typical of the way in which the hearings were held, opponents of S.166 were never allowed to explain to the media or to the members of the Committee, the fact that most firearms on display had nothing to do with the legislation under discussion. During one hearing in which a representative from the Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen attempted to explain that the fully automatic, 40mm grenade launching M16's on display were never available for purchase in the state, Chairman Edward O'Connor, stopped the hearing, had the weapons removed from view, and warned the respondent that another reference to the table of firearms would warrant his forced removal from the hearing room by the State Police. Testimony opposing the legislation was kept brief by the Chairman - with the most significant testimony censored by O'Connor.

Committee Chairman Edward O'Connor was an adamant opponent of private firearms ownership. In past statements, he had advocated the total prohibition of all firearms, as well as police roadblocks and house to house searches in order to disarm the public. Senator O'Connor considered the U.S. Constitution - "out of date". It was therefore anticipated that only one side of the issue would be allowed.

Observers at the public hearings would hear New Jersey's Attorney General, Robert Del Tufo, testify that the legislation was desperately needed to stop the state's police officers from being "machine- gunned in the streets". He would also testify that the number of New Jersey permit holders committing such crimes were, "too numerous to count". Such outrageous lies on the part of the bill's supporters continued even though Senate Committee members would introduce statistics from the Attorney General's own justice report showing not a single crime attributable to lawful firearms owners. In fact, no New Jersey police officer had been killed by ANY WEAPON since 1987.

Such documented facts showing the blatant fraud of the legislation's proponents made no impression to either the media or to legislators supporting S.166. To further assist the enactment of S.166, the Attorney General's office would issue a formal decision claiming that there was NO Constitutional right to keep and bear arms.

Coincidentally, during the public hearings, a New Jersey State Trooper was shot and wounded on the New Jersey Turnpike by two individuals reported to have been armed with a MAC-10 "Assault Weapon". Following massive media attention and testimony by Robert Del Tufo regarding how the Governor's "Assault Weapon" law would have prevented the police officer from being "riddled with bullets", the Burlington County, New Jersey prosecutor handling the case testified that, in fact, the criminal in question had shot the officer with a handgun; a handgun stolen from another police officer's home in Maryland. Once again the state's highest law enforcement officer had provided testimony which was an outright, documented lie. Once again, however, supporters of the legislation ignored it. During his testimony, the Burlington County prosecutor explicitly stated his expectation of retaliation from the Governor and the Attorney General's office due to his statements about the case.

Dozens of sensational though fraudulent examples citing the need for the legislation were presented. In the few cases where opposing testimony was allowed, such examples supporting the legislation were thoroughly refuted - though such facts were ignored.

During the hearings, one excellent piece of legislation written by Senator Rice was offered as an alternate to Russo's "Assault Weapon" legislation. It too dealt with "Assault Weapons", but ad dressed the illegal possession or use of such weapons in crimes. Among its benefits, the Rice legislation would provide extremely stiff first offense mandatory jail sentences for:

1) The possession of an "Assault Weapon" without the

required N.J. Firearms I.D. Card.

2) Use or possession of an "Assault Weapon" in a crime.

3) Converting a semi-automatic firearm into a fully automatic firearm.

4) The combined possession of a legally owned "Assault Weapon" and illegal narcotics.

The legislation was strongly supported by firearms owners, NRA and all state firearms groups. It was voted down, however, by Senator O'Connor's committee and never received consideration. Among the various arguments, most significant was the Attorney General Del Tufo's position that such a law, "Would affect too many white collar social [drug] users." The Rice proposal, which would have imprisoned first time firearms offenders with a mandatory 10 year jail sentence, was quickly eliminated so that full attention could be directed to the passage of S.166. The benefit of the Rice legislation was never reported on by the media, nor the obvious indication that Senator Russo's "Assault Weapons" legislation had to do with some purpose other than preventing violent crime.

It is interesting to note the degree to which Attorney General Robert Del Tufo directly lied and presented fraudulent evidence during his testimony on behalf of Governor Florio's "Assault Weapon" legislation. Robert Del Tufo had been the U.S. Attorney for New Jersey in the late 1970's, and was investigating then Congressman Jim Florio for his involvement in the infamous ABSCAM influence peddling and kickback scandal that rocked Congress during that same time.

Congressman Florio had been strongly implicated in this scandal through government witnesses and wiretaps. Unlike many other members of Congress, however, he never appeared at the scheduled meeting place, and therefore, would not be captured on film taking payoff money. The evidence against Congressman Florio was sufficient, however, to warrant a directive from the Attorney General's office in Washington for U.S. Attorney Robert Del Tufo to investigate the case and present it to a grand jury. A New Jersey State Police organized crime detective named Justin Dentino served as the chief investigator of Congressman Florio's corruption case for Robert Del Tufo and the Justice Department.

Whether an agreement was negotiated between Del Tufo and Florio to kill the ABSCAM investigation remains in question. It is fact, however, that Congressman Florio's role in ABSCAM faded from view and was never introduced to a grand jury by Del Tufo. In 1989, Governor Florio would appoint Robert Del Tufo as New Jersey Attorney General immediately upon taking office. He would also appoint Justin Dentino as head of the New Jersey State Police following an 18 month battle to remove the existing director, Clinton Pagano.

Senator Russo's public hearings accomplished their purpose - providing the media with the volumes of one sided information and threatening photographs needed to condition the unknowing public. Legislators outside the committee room, however, were still concerned about the serious problems being bought to their attention by their constituents regarding S.166.

In the weeks ahead, Governor Florio would virtually guarantee the passage of this legislation by setting up meetings with key Democratic legislators; negotiating jobs and contracts in return for their votes. Selling their vote were:

Assemblyman Anthony Marsella - Marsella had a New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection case pending him for illegal dumping. That case would be dismissed, freeing Marsella of hundreds of thousands of dollars in DEP fines.

Senator Thomas Foy - Foy had a long standing drinking problem and had killed a man while driving drunk in a vehicular homicide. The state's case was quietly dropped.

Assemblyman Frank Pelly - Pelly owned a failing drug store and desperately needed another income. He was promised and later received an appointment as Director of the New Jersey Gaming Commission at a salary of $95,000 per year.

Assemblywoman Barbara Kalik - Promised an appointment to the State Parole Board at a salary of $90,000 per year. Kalik received the appointment by the Governor following her loss in the 1991 elections. Unlike other lame duck legislators which served the remaining months of their terms, Kalik closed her Assembly office the day after being defeated in the November 1991 elections. She stole $17,000 in state funds from her Assembly account which, though never formally investigated, has prevented her from being confirmed officially as a Parole Board member. Barbara Kalik continues to serve today as a probationary member of the New Jersey Parole Board.

Senator Richard Van Wagner - Promised and received a $90,000 position as Chairman of the New Jersey Sports and Exposition Authority.

Assemblyman Ed Salmon - Promised and received a $90,000 appointment as the head of the New Jersey Department of Public Utilities.

Assemblymen Joe Doria and Wayne Bryant - Both were fending off a major Grand Jury investigation into a $20,000 shakedown of a political lobbyist. Governor Florio had Attorney General Del Tufo quietly dismiss the investiga tion.

Senator Gabriel Ambrosio - Governor Florio re-directed $3 million of funds from the newly created Quality Education Act to be transferred to Ambrosio's legislative district for use in property tax reduction. Presently under Grand Jury investigation.

Assemblywoman Marlene Lynch Ford - Promised and received an appointment to the bench by Governor Florio.

Senator Daniel Dalton - Promised and received an appointment as New Jersey Secretary of State

Assemblyman Wayne Bryant - Involved in the $20,000 extortion attempt with Assemblyman Doria. Received leases from the state for office space at his empty office building at twice the prevailing rate. His law firm would also receive legal work reviewing state bond contracts. In one case, an invoice submitted to and paid by the state read, in one line, "The fees is $40,000.00"

Assemblywoman Stephanie Bush - Promised and received an appointment as Commissioner of Consumer Affairs.

Assemblywoman Cathy Costa - Promised and received an appointment to the Alcohol Beverage Commission.

Assemblyman Anthony Cimino - Promised and appointed as head of the Department of Personnel at a salary of $95,000 per year.

Even with the firm commitment of the above Democratic legislators, additional support was needed to guarantee success with this most important piece of legislation. At Governor Florio's request, Joe Salema, a close friend and business partner to the Governor, approached Republican Senator William Gormley for his support.

FLORIO & GORMLEY - DEAL # 1

Senator Gormley had shown weak opposition to the Governor's "Assault Weapons" legislation from the very beginning of the controversy. However, he accepted the unified position of the Republican Party and had assured individuals representing New Jersey firearms owners that he would vote against S.166.

It was common knowledge throughout political circles that Senator Gormley had been trying to initiate a major state construction job within his Senate district for years - an area of interest to which Governor Florio could easily address.

Starting with their first meeting on April 15, 1990, Senator Gormley, Joe Salema, and Andrew Webber, the Governor's Chief Counsel, worked out a mutually beneficial agreement whereby Senator Gormley would vote for the "Assault Weapons" ban. In return, Governor Florio would support a future unnamed construction project in Atlantic City - Senator Gormley's legislative district. For Gormley, the anticipated revenues of campaign contributions from construction contractors as well as newly created patronage positions would likely secure him the necessary funds, power and political backing should he decide to pursue his longtime political goal of entering the 1993 Gubernatorial race.

Rumor of the deal drew harsh criticism from Republican ranks; since they were unanimous in their opposition to Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" bill. Following the enormous tax increases, the revisions in education funding, insurance and other Democratic pieces of legislation which had been rammed through the legislature, Republicans had strong hopes of stopping the Governor with a united voice, as well as with the help of a few staunch Democratic supporters of firearms owners' rights. Senator Gormley, however, had finalized his agreement with the Governor's office, and was now indicating publicly that he would support the passage of S.166.

Aside from very strong suspicion of a financial agreement with the Governor, questions were quietly raised of whether personal blackmail played any part in Gormley's decision. The fact that Senator Gormley's extramarital affair with a legislative aid was known within some inner circles meant it was clearly within the grasp of operatives from the Governor's office. Even though Gormley sought to distance himself from possible embarrassment by moving his girlfriend to a new position at the Atlantic County Sewer Authority, he was clearly vulnerable to blackmail.

Governor Florio's control of the Democratic legislature meant he probably had sufficient votes for the passage of S.166; actual polls taken of Democratic legislators, however, showed less than the required number of votes necessary. Nevertheless, NRA and the Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen made a final appeal to their membership, asking them to contact local legislators. Some Democratic legislators simply lied, citing their opposition to the legislation in order to avoid the massive lobbying effort by NRA and Second Amendment Supporters. Many others disconnected their office phones for the week immediately preceding the vote.

Recognizing that any additional time before a vote would allow some legislators time to rethink their positions, Governor Florio had both the Senate and Assembly versions of the legislation call a vote on May 17, 1990 - record time from the day of introduction.

There were no surprises in the votes cast for S.166. Democratic legislators almost unanimously voted yes, whereas Republican legislators almost unanimously voted no. As expected, every vote was critical. Indicative to the importance placed on this issue, Governor Florio flew Democratic Senator Christopher Jackman of Jersey City to the Senate Chambers from his hospital bed via air medivac helicopter. Senator Jackman had been absent his legislative office for months, and was suffering from terminal cancer. After casting his vote in support of the "Assault Weapons" legislation, he was immediately returned to his hospital bed. He died shortly thereafter.

Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation barely passed, with Senator Gormley providing the key, deciding vote.

Beginning only six weeks before, Governor Florio was able to ram through his Democratically controlled legislature, the most restrictive firearms legislation in the nation. With the large number of legislators voting strictly due to the Governor's political pressure or his promise of financial gain, very few had even read the 30 pages of legislation - much the less recognized the problems it would present.

FLORIO'S TRIUMPH / DEMOCRATIC DISASTER

On May 30th, 1990, Governor Florio triumphantly signed the "Assault Weapons" legislation into law during a packed public ceremony involving nationwide media coverage and much fanfare. He had beaten the NRA and the "powerful gun lobby" in passing the most restrictive firearms ban in the nation. Publicized in honor of the contributions from the late Senator Frank Graves, S.166 was signed in front of his former Paterson, N.J. legislative office.

Within weeks, a significant number of Democratic legislators began to realize the enormity of what they had passed into law; especially recognizing the fact that full impact of their legislation would take effect only 5 months before the entire state legislature would be up for re-election. While media criticism of the Governor's tax, spending and other controversial issues had greatly diminished during the entire "Assault Weapons" controversy, public uproar over those issues actually increased. Various grass roots anti-tax, anti-Florio groups had already started organizing to defeat the Governor's Democratic supporters in the November 1991 elections.

New Jersey firearms owners, NRA, as well as state Second Amendment organizations immediately began an effort to both challenge the legislation in court as well as recruit legislative support to repeal the bill.

The number one Democratic joke circulating Trenton at the time was that Governor Florio had nothing to fear from New Jersey's "gun lobby" because his Attorney General, Robert Del Tufo, had assured him enforcement of S.166 would place all firearms owners in jail by the next election. Technically speaking, Del Tufo's joke was 100% accurate. Due to the extremely broad scope of the legislation, virtually every firearms owner in the state was now in possession of some form of "Assault Weapon".

At the same time, Democrats, led by Senator Raymond Zane were developing support for Democratic sponsored legislation which would reduce the impact and penalties of Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons ban". While a few Democratic legislators were supporters of private firearms ownership, the initiative to introduce such legislation was more in the interest of negating the extreme wrath and hostility being felt by Democratic legislators statewide as a result of their actions.

That hostility was clearly demonstrated in a special limited election the following November 1990, in which ALL Democratic supporters of Governor Florio lost. In the state's most significant race, Democratic Assemblyman Ed Salmon lost his 1st District legislative post to an unknown Republican by a significant margin. This occurred despite the traditionally Democratic makeup of the 1st District, and the benefit of a Democratic spending ratio of more than 3 times the unknown republican challenger. That election defeat, despite the best Democratic efforts, dealt Governor Florio a significant loss in political standing. Political commentators unanimously predicted even more significant political losses for Governor Florio in 1991.

Publicly, Ed Salmon's full support of Governor Florio's high tax and spending programs were blamed for his election loss; privately, his vote for Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation was credited a major factor in the upset by observers on both sides. It was well known that a large turnout of sportsmen had contributed tremendous time and effort to the Republican candidate's campaign. Any legislator questioning the possibility of a voter backlash, and especially a backlash from statewide sportsmens' groups and firearms owners, had their worst fears confirmed early on with the upset defeat of Assemblyman Salmon.

In January of 1991, Senator Raymond Zane introduced Bill #3140, which would primarily grandfather those firearms legally purchased with police permits prior to the enactment of the "Assault Weapons" legislation. In addition, it reduced the registration fees, removed strict liability, and removed four specific firearms from the banned list. Senator Zane's legislation was not solicited by firearms owners.

In general, New Jersey sportsmen did not support the Zane bill of amendments to S.166 due to the fact that the sale of hundreds of models of semi-automatic firearms would still remain restricted; a ban on high capacity ammunition clips would also remain in effect. Significantly, compliance with the legislation would require the re- registration of any currently owned "Assault Weapons", thus providing State Police an updated listing they could use in confiscating those same firearms later on.

Nevertheless, Democrats, eager to calm the large number of infuriated firearms owners, helped pass the Zane legislation by a wide margin. That passage of the Democratic sponsored legislation presented Governor Florio with a dilemma: To capitulate his position and sign the legislation would compromise the past year in which he spent lecturing the threat from such firearms and thereby destroy his remaining credibility.

On the other hand, refusing to sign the legislation would unquestionably destroy his Democratic majority and end many political careers.

Governor Florio made the decision to sacrifice his Democratic legislature in the upcoming elections by vetoing Senator Zane's grandfather legislation in July of 1991.

Similar to his efforts a year before, Governor Florio drew upon the sympathetic media to publicize his position against the amendments carried in the bill. The Florio Administration once again seized every media opportunity allowing the Governor to argue against the proposed law. Little mention was made that this legislation would simply allow individuals who purchased firearms under the states rigid permit system to keep them instead of surrendering them over to police. Instead, Governor Florio, once again looking to create the maximum controversy, turned the issue into a personal crusade against the NRA.

Throughout the entire nine months that the legislation was debated, no mention was made that the Zane Bill was a bipartisan effort initiated by many of the SAME supporters of Governor Florio's original "Assault Weapons" legislation, and backed by his Democratic majority.

Behind the scenes, Governor Florio duplicated the same abuse of power and illegal political tactics as he had done the year before. More than 150,000 letters were sent by Governor Florio to New Jersey residents asking them to lobby their legislators. Mailings to Police Departments requested their support. State department heads were asked to use their resources to oppose the legislation. Medical organizations were contacted for their assistance. Religious organizations were requested to support the Governor in letter writing campaigns. As before, all state mailings in support of the Governor were sent at public expense.

Governor Florio frequently appeared at New Jersey hospitals - speaking with shooting victims, trauma room doctors, and viewing slides of recovered bullet fragments. Sara and James Brady of Handgun Control, Inc. accompanied the Governor on various hospital tours, and in press conferences throughout the state. Even though available statistics regarding the criminal use of UZI, AK-47 and similar weapons showed their actual use as almost non-existent, the fates of all gunshot victims were attributed to the "widespread availability of 'Assault Weapons' on the street". The media actively propagated the Governor's lies at every opportunity.

In one particular case, members of a New Jersey gang seeking revenge were arrested for conspiring to kill to two NJ police officers. Upon hearing that one of the criminals possessed an "Assault Weapon", Governor Florio quickly called a press conference to promote support for his legislation. After being summoned to the conference to "thank the Governor for saving their lives", both police officers explained their objection to the "Assault Weapons" legislation and refused to take part in the media display. Shocked at the rebuttal, Governor Florio had both policemen escorted from the conference by his State Troopers; leaving the Governor to address the press conference on his own.

While numerous inside sources confirmed Governor Florio's offering of jobs in various mid to low level positions, his most important political commitments and arrangements had been made the year before. Many Democratic legislators already feared a strong voter backlash as a result of their own voter opinion polls; prompting some officials to jump ship even before the November elections.

Senator Richard Van Wagner cashed in on his 1990 commitment from Governor Florio and resigned his Senate seat on 7/25/91. He was immediately appointed as Chairman of the State Sports and Exposition Authority - a $92,000 position. Senate President John Russo decided against another re-election battle and retired from political life. He was appointed by Governor Florio as chief counsel to the Sports and Exposition Authority. Senator Russo's daughter was appointed to the New Jersey Parole Board - a $90,000 position.

COURT ACTIONS

By this time, a legal effort by the Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen had been filed in Federal Court challenging the "Assault Weapons" legislation on three minor points.

Incredibly, the broad scope of Governor Florio's gun ban had redefined all semi-automatic, air powered BB guns as "Assault Weapons"; thus inflicting the same 5 year jail sentence and $5,000 fine on anyone caught with what was unanimously considered not to be an "Assault Weapon" - an opinion held by even the most extreme firearms prohibitionists. Coalition's case, filed in the U.S. District Court, was based upon a Federal pre-emption against restricting the ownership of air guns.

To everyone's surprise, Governor Florio challenged Coalition's argument that BB guns should not be considered "Assault Weapons", and defended the legislation in court - arguing that Federal pre- emption, if there were such a provision, would only apply to traditional firearms. (Aside from the Constitution and the Second Amendment to the Constitution, there is no separate Federal pre-emption for traditional firearms.) In a Statement of Facts filed in support of the state's position banning BB guns, the Attorney General's office cited the use of such firearms in "reality based episodes of Wise Guy, Miami Vice, and countless other crime shows".

U.S. District Court Judge Garrett E. Brown found in favor of Coalition; which later resulted in the NJ Attorney General's office issuing a directive to all police departments and prosecutors not to arrest and prosecute the owners of BB and pellet firing airguns.

The fact that the Governor would direct his Attorney General's office to argue in Federal Court that BB guns were "Assault Weapons" and "Deadly Weapons of War" was striking proof that this legislation had nothing to do with the issue of crime. Yet, the mass media altogether ignored the absurdity of Governor Florio's argument and the obvious implication that the growing furor over S.166 was being fueled in order to serve another purpose.

The main challenge to Governor Florio's legislation was filed in State Superior Court based upon the argument that the "Assault Weapons" bill was "unconstitutionally vague". Numerous examples existed where different law enforcement authorities disagreed over which firearms were "Assault Weapons" and where the Attorney General's office provided conflicting rulings over the legality of the exact same firearm.

The case was never ruled upon, however, and withdrawn without prejudice on June 10, 1991. This action was precipitated by information received back from Democratic leaders promising that Senator Zane's grandfather bill would easily pass a veto override. Not only would passage of the Zane bill provide additional time to raise the funds necessary to cover the anticipated high legal fees of a full Supreme Court challenge, such a future challenge years later would be likely based upon an actual criminal case against a lawful firearms owner.

Governor Florio recognized that support for Senator Zane's legislation by NRA, sportsmen and all state firearms organizations was extremely weak. Anyone involved with the issue knew that the momentum of Zane's legislation had been from within the Democratic legislature ever since its introduction. Virtually all firearms related publications advocated a full repeal of S.166 as opposed to Senator Zane's legislation - which accomplished little more than to grandfather existing firearms. Pro-Second Amendment organizations did not rally support, firearms lobbyists did not pursue legislators in Trenton, nor did the majority of firearms owners in New Jersey even direct attention to their local legislators.

Nevertheless, the pending legislative action gave Governor Florio the opportunity to champion his cause for months, as if an override might occur at any time. Toward the end of the publicity campaign, Governor Florio had distorted the actual intent of Senator Zane's legislation into a total repeal of the original gun ban - and a scenario in which New Jersey residents and police would be once again at the mercy of machinegun carrying criminals and drug gangs.

The Democratic legislature delayed in posting an override vote for months - claiming insufficient votes for passage. Firearms owners did not pressure legislators to act. By late summer, legislators finally abandoned Senator Zane's legislation. At this time, Second Amendment organizations were anticipating a significant loss in Democratic power come November, and quietly lobbied for the bill's failure. Ultimately, S.3140 was never posted for an override vote.

Whether Governor Florio used Democratic legislators to entice NRA and the Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen with legislation that was never ever intended to pass is debatable. The promise of temporary legislative relief in the form of a grandfather bill, however, did provide nine months of high profile media coverage for Governor Florio, and prompt the withdrawal of a Constitutional challenge to S.166.

Nevertheless, the failure of the override and Coalition's constitutional challenge were both publicized by the Governor as major victories over NRA and the "powerful gun lobby".

FLORIO & GORMLEY - DEAL # 2

During the June 1991 primary elections, firearms owners grasped the opportunity to strike back at Republican Senator Bill Gormley for providing the key vote in passing Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation. With the assistance of NRA and state and local Second Amendment organizations, firearms owners quickly developed the necessary support base for a challenge by an unknown Republican Senate candidate. At the same time, Republicans leaders, embarrassed by Senator Gormley's close working relationship with Governor Florio, were quietly organizing his legislative defeat. Among various efforts, $73,000 in Republican campaign contributions, originally designated for use against Democratic candidates elsewhere in the state, were secretly redirected to the campaign of Gormley's unknown Republican challenger.

While Senator Gormley proudly advertised his supportive vote on the "Assault Weapons" issue, firearms owners attacked his unilateral support of the Governor's high tax and spending programs, and rallied in support of his opponent. Protocol prevented much of Senator Gormley's corrupt business and political dealings from being bought out against him by the Republican challenger during the primary - except for some charges relating to the high incidence of campaign contributions originating from contractors working in Gormley's Atlantic City Senate district.

After months of bitter campaigning, Senator Gormley, a "rising star" in the Republican Party, who had placed in the 1989 Republican Gubernatorial primary, and who had been regarded a top contender for the 1993 GOP nomination for Governor, won his Senate Republican primary by a mere 800 VOTES. It was a resounding defeat in terms of political standing; virtually eliminating any hope of further advancement within the Republican Party, and ending his Gubernatorial aspirations for 1993.

To add to the misery and embarrassment of the near loss of his Senate seat, William Gormley's wife, Virginia, had become aware of his extramarital relationship. Personal checks, sent by Senator Gormley to his girlfriend in order to bridge the difference between her legislative salary and the lower paying position within the Sewer Authority, were discovered. In addition, Virginia Gormley would also catch her husband and his girlfriend during one of their romantic encounters. From the intense personal trauma that ensued, political observers on both sides totally discounted any political future for Senator William Gormley.

The events of the June primary presented new opportunities for Senator Gormley and Governor Florio to each prop up their failing positions. The Governor was free falling in the polls and in full anticipation of a Democratic rout in the upcoming November elections. Senator Gormley was in serious trouble as well.

Senator Gormley had been long recognized as a notoriously bad campaign fund raiser - even though he had enjoyed substantial contributions from the many construction contracts awarded in his Atlantic City Casino district. His failure to raise appropriate campaign funds for the June primary was a contributing factor to his near loss. Governor Florio recognized Gormley's situation and offered a solution.

Governor Florio clearly needed some major initiatives and major victories over the next two years. Interestingly enough, some political insiders and advisors had indicated Governor Florio's interest to see a Republican controlled legislature by which he could attack and assign political blame during his last two years in office. Aside from providing a convenient target, a Republican controlled legislature would also provide a secondary benefit by limiting the power of the current Senate President, John Lynch - rumored as a likely Democratic Gubernatorial challenger in 1993.

In order to firm up his political position, representatives of Governor Florio met with Senator Gormley on numerous occasions during mid- summer of 1991; eventually negotiating a new agreement which would benefit both sides tremendously.

Governor Florio had made a commitment to develop an Atlantic City Convention Center in return for Senator Gormley's vote on the "Assault Weapons" legislation the year prior. Aside from sporadic comments from the Governor's office, however, no formal initiative had been made to introduce any such project. Senator Gormley desperately needed the accompanying volume of campaign contributions for which a project of such size, an estimated $230 million dollars, would originate. In addition to formal campaign contributions, the volume of new jobs, patronage positions, and cash kickbacks would allow him the opportunity to revitalize his political career.

More of an immediate need, Senator Gormley lacked the campaign funding to succeed in what was expected to be an extremely close race for his Senate seat. Gormley's Democratic challenger, having expressed concern over the civil violations of S.166, was gaining the support of the same South Jersey firearms owners which almost defeated him in the primary.

Governor Florio had almost unlimited funds available from the Democratic State Committee but desperately needed more political power. By controlling the Casino Control Commission (CCC) and Casino Reinvestment Development Authority (CRDA), he would be able to solidify his South Jersey support base. Control over both commissions would provide not only a significant number of appointments and contracts to deal out, it would provide the Governor a prescience within the Atlantic City political machine. Ultimately, both Governor Florio and Senator Gormley received exactly what they needed.

The state's Democratic Party began sending Senator Gormley financial support at virtually the same time it pulled all cash financing and election campaign support away from their own Democratic challenger. Democratic election contributions were re-directed into Senator Gormley's campaign from various sources - including various medical PACs. Numerous Democratic supporters switched their support to Republican Senator Gormley. Longtime Atlantic City Democratic fundraiser, Alan Kligerman, alone donated $70,000 to Senator Gormley at the request Governor Florio's former chief of staff, Steven Perskie.

Steven Perskie had been appointed to the Casino Control Commission by the Governor in order free the appointment of Chief Of Staff for his long time friend and business partner, Joe Salema. Salema had been purposely kept hidden away from the political spotlight during the entire 1989 Gubernatorial campaign due to publicly raised questions regarding numerous accusations of unethical activity, but was finally moved into the Governor's cabinet a year after the election. Former CCC Chairwoman, Valerie Armstrong, received the Governor's appointment to the bench in order to open the CCC appointment for Perskie.

Fearing an altercation with Senate President Lynch as well as the loss of Gormley's re-election bid should the Republican legislator's acceptance of Democratic support become known, Governor Florio directed future campaign contributions routed through the office of Senator Donald DiFrancesco. Senator DiFrancesco, a long time friend to Gormley, was already aligning political support to take over the Senate Presidency if Republicans took control of the Senate as expected.

Senator Gormley upheld his part of their agreement by providing the Governor the political backing necessary to move his supporters into critical Atlantic City boards and top appointments. Controlling any new construction projects, the Governor would be able to win back the support of organized labor; which he had severely angered in attempting to reduce worker benefits the year before. The success of Senator Gormley in the November election would also provide the Governor with a Republican he could easily control and influence. Within the next few months, Governor Florio would assume almost complete control of the Atlantic City political machine.

DEMOCRATIC CATASTROPHE

The November 1991 elections proved the most devastating defeat for New Jersey Democrats in 25 years. Both the Assembly and Senate fell to veto proof Republican majorities. Following 18 months of almost dictatorial rule, Governor Florio was humiliated by the loss of not only his power, but the defeat of some of New Jersey's most entrenched and influential Democratic legislators and power brokers.

New Jersey gun owners played a significant part in the victory and were proudly credited much of the success starting at the Republican headquarters victory party the night of the election. Neither Democrats nor Republicans would PUBLICLY recognize, however, the critical role firearms owners played in the massive losses dealt the Democratic Party and the symbolic defeat dealt Governor Florio. The single victory for the Governor was the unexpected re-election of Senator Gormley - again barely surviving a brutal opposition campaign waged by NRA and the state's Second Amendment organizations.

With the Zane bill a non-issue, firearms owners relaxed and waited for the Republican legislature to take control in January of 1992. No written or oral agreement had been exchanged between Republicans and supporters of the "Right to Keep and Bear Arms" prior to the 1991 elections. However, based upon the well recognized fact that the "Assault Weapons" legislation passed solely due to Governor Florio's widespread political corruption and his strongarm manipulation of the Democratic majority, it was not unreasonable to envision the success of a full repeal at the hands of those legislators they helped place in power.

FLORIO & GORMLEY - DEAL # 3

Three days before the newly elected legislature was to take office, Governor Florio's Democratic lame-duck legislature rushed through a seemingly innocent piece of legislation to provide bond funding to the nearly bankrupt New Jersey Sports and Exposition authority - an authority established 20 years before in order to operate the Meadowlands Arena/Giants Stadium sports complex. In truth, the primary purpose of the bill was to provide financing for the construction of Senator Gormley's Atlantic City Convention Center in the form of $418 million in state guaranteed bonds. By design, no upper bond limit was set in the legislation, nor would taxpayers have any future control over the activities and funding proposals of the Authority.

Senator Gormley's arguments favoring the legislation made during the post-midnight debate was the promised 6,000 construction jobs and the $48 million in revenue the convention center would bring into the Atlantic City area each year - this based upon a commissioned study by Laventhol & Horwath. It would be later proven that construction jobs would number under 2,000, and that the Sports and Exposition Authority would reap no revenue whatsoever. Senator Gormley had concealed the fact that the consulting firm hired to research the benefits and financial return of the Convention Center project had since declared bankruptcy after being sued by over 100 of their former clients. The charges levied against Laventhol & Horwath: Negligence in supplying faulty, incorrect and poorly developed planning figures.

The bond issue, however, had developed into a huge political grab- bag by the time it reached a vote, with both Democrats and Republicans adding millions of dollars of additional special interest "pork barrel" projects in return for their votes. Among the many additional beneficiaries, Rutgers University, represented by Senate President John Lynch, received a $28 million grant to enlarge their football stadium - a stadium which had only been filled to capacity twice in its entire history. A miscellaneous $50 million would be spent to rehabilitate undesignated properties around the new Convention Center. In addition, Seton Hall University, represented by Senator Richard Cody, would benefit from $5 million in repair funds.

Questions were raised over why a privately funded university like Seton Hall would receive state funds allocated for property repair, to which Senator Cody, the primary supporter of the grant and a participant in Seton Hall's basketball program offered the answer: "So What?".

Although significant concern was raised by a few Republicans, debate was halted and the bill was passed 26 minutes after midnight - far from the view of the media and the New Jersey public. Senator DiFrancesco supported the legislation in order to assist Senator Gormley, as well as to build support for his Senate Presidency. What would later be called Governor Florio's "Midnight Raid on the State Treasury" provided Senator Gormley with unlimited campaign funding, patronage positions and cash. It also provided Governor Florio with incredible new power.

Within months, Governor Florio would take complete control of Atlantic City by moving long time cronies and political supporters into top positions at the agencies and commissions in charge of not only $300 million in immediate development money, but $90 million in related projects as well. Governor Florio's chief of staff, Joe Salema, chief counsel Robert DeCottis, and political fundraiser Lewis Katz, would together control all contracts and negotiations. The Governor would quickly oust existing Sports and Exposition Authority Chairman Peter Levine for refusing to pressure contractors for political contributions (a charge Levine would make public), and replace him with Jerome Goodman, a strong political fundraiser and business partner of Katz. Kurt Shadle, deputy finance director to the Governors 1989 campaign and unofficial patronage chief was named as manager overseeing the Convention Center project.

Control over the lucrative $400 million in state bonds would be appropriately handled through Governor Florio's treasurer, Sam Crane. Construction contracts were divided among those firms contributing to the Governor's 1989 campaign. Associates of Joe Salema received contracts to oversee the construction progress as "project managers". Through almost total control of the largest state construction project, Governor Florio was able to secure himself a percentage of the construction kickbacks from the $400 million in development money as well; funds which would be used to drive his 1993 re-election effort.

One South Jersey Democratic legislator described Governor Florio's position as, "An unbelievable amount of power. The Gambino (crime family) would envy this situation". Yet again, the organized media ignored the entire story.

Within a short time, a tug of war developed between Senator Gormley and Governor Florio over control of the critical construction contracts. Once the critical players of the New Jersey Sports and Exposition Authority were in place, the Governor decided to keep control of the most lucrative contracts for himself, infuriating Gormley, and prompting him to virtually stop development. It would require Governor Florio's Chief of Staff, Joe Salema, and Secretary of State, Daniel Dalton, to intervene the dispute and reassign control over an acceptable volume of contracts to Senator Gormley in order to finally move the project forward.

THE REPUBLICAN REPEAL

In the spring of 1992, Republican Senator John Matheussen introduced a de facto repeal of the "Assault Weapons" legislation in the form of Senate Bill # S.700. Whereas Governor Florio's legislation reclassified semi-automatic weapons as machineguns, Matheussen's legislation would amend their definition back to the proper category of semi-automatic firearms. True "Assault Weapons" would still be restricted to the New Jersey public as they had always been. In addition, S.700 eliminated all objectionable components of the original bill such as the ban on large capacity magazines and strict civil liability.

Governor Florio immediately began another campaign opposing the legislation. Unlike the previous year, however, there was a very strong possibility this repeal would succeed. Already, Republicans had dismantled other pieces of legislation enacted by the Governor, and they had done do by easily overriding his veto.

Immediately, the media attacked the Republican legislation with ven geance. In a virtual repeat of the previous two years, the media flooded newsprint and television with the scenario of roving bands of drug kingpins, indiscriminately blasting away at each other with their newly purchased "Assault Weapons" while police and innocent residents were mowed down in the crossfire. Governor Florio could be regularly found giving speeches at the hospital beds of gunshot victims on the 7:00 O'clock news.

Using the full resources of his administration, Governor Florio both directly and indirectly influenced public figures throughout the state. In an official request mailed to all police officers and firemen throughout New Jersey, the Governor reminded them of the significant changes he had approved for low cost mortgages and other pension benefits; asking support of his "Assault Weapons" legislation in return. Every police chief received the Governor's personal request to oppose the bill. Hundreds of thousands of letters to individual residents and state workers were mailed asking support. A similar letter was sent by the N.J. Health Department to all doctors as well as hospital and health administrators in the state. Churches and synagogues received official letters from the Governor requesting their congregations to actively oppose the Republican repeal effort.

The Department of Human Services spent $700,000 to publish a statewide newsletter promoting the Governor's position. Every city administrator throughout the state received a personal letter from the Governor requesting their support in opposing the repeal bill and the NRA. Stephanie Bush, Governor Florio's Commissioner of Consumer Affairs, sent a letter to every New Jersey mayor, threatening that future state grants would be held back if they did not contact their legislators and support Governor Florio's position against the repeal legislation. Personal calls followed in order to clarify the Governor's intention.

Hundreds of thousands of tax dollars were spent addressing womens' groups as well as any identifiable special interest that might have a potential voice.

The Republican legislature had sponsored legislation to prevent the Governor from using taxpayer money to oppose the repeal bill as well as his similar attempt to improve his image by promising larger homeowner property rebate checks - though no legislative action was ever taken.

Unquestionably the Governor's most disgraceful exploitation of a tragedy in support of his "Assault Weapons" legislation occurred in his attempt to link the February bombing of the World Trade Center with New Jersey's firearms owners. Following the deaths of five innocent individuals and the injury of one thousand others, Governor Florio would use daily press conferences to call for stronger "gun control" laws. Ignoring the fact that an international terror group, using commonly available household chemicals was responsible for the extraordinary attack, Governor Florio would in fact state during a live nationwide news briefing, "We're going to have to start thinking about things like access to weapons and explosives and guns with a more focused attention".

Again, Governor Florio's abominable manipulation of public fear and sorrow was completely ignored by the mass media.

Despite the massive publicity generated in opposition to the bill, the Assembly, with the aid of some Democrats, passed S.700 by a veto proof margin. Senate action, however, was less enthusiastic.

Governor Florio recognized he was having an effect with his publicity campaign as soon as key Republican leaders in the Senate and Assembly demanded a revision in the legislation to exclude UZI and AK-47 firearms. Such actions decreased the support of some firearms owners for the bill, but did not stop demand by firearms owners for passage of the repeal. By July, a revised bill excluding the two specified guns had been passed in both houses of the legislature. The Governor would veto it 45 days later, taking maximum advantage of that time to continue his opposition campaign.

Support of the legislation was by no means unified within Republican ranks. Senator Gormley would never upset his cash machine by opposing the Governor; a few Republicans were opposed simply due to their steadfast opposition to private firearms ownership in general. What was understood by both sides was that an override vote would be extremely close, and that no attempt would be made unless the votes were firmly in place.

For the next four months, the only issue addressed by the Governor's office would be the opposition to the "Assault Weapons" repeal. Republicans had found themselves in a situation they desperately wanted to escape without angering the firearms owners whom had placed them in power. Yet they were backed into their position with nowhere to turn and not enough commitment and/or strength in character to end the debate by overriding the Governor.

Governor Florio's ironclad control over the media made any argument in support of the "Assault Weapons" repeal virtually impossible; having effectively lobbied newspaper and television stations to refuse all advertisements supporting or even explaining the proposed "repeal" legislation. As they had done over the past few years, the media typically ignored all information presented to them regarding the true facts surrounding the issue.

As firearms owners and lobbyists increased the number of phone calls and letters to their representatives in Trenton, Governor Florio looked for further opportunities to manipulate Republican votes. He found his first opportunity in Republican Assemblyman Robert Martin.

Assemblyman Martin had originally voted for the repeal bill although his convictions on the issue were only moderate. While a State Legislator, he was primarily employed as an administrator at Seton Hall Law School, and had relinquished a law practice to create a new teaching department there. Assemblyman Martin's position at Seton Hall was not tenured.

Using this knowledge, Governor Florio directed a meeting between his agents and the Associate Dean of the Seton Hall Law School for the purpose of changing Martin's vote.

Governor Florio's refinancing of the Sports and Exposition Authority six months earlier had included a $5 million dollar grant for various projects at Seton Hall - courtesy of Senator Cody. Through his negotiators, Governor Florio threatened to withdraw Seton Hall's state's grant unless Assemblyman Martin was persuaded to drop his support of the "Assault Weapons" repeal legislation. As a result, Seton Hall's Associate Dean, Wilfredo Caraballo, met with various faculty associates of Assemblyman Martin, who subsequently relayed the threat. In addition to loosing a significant amount of money for the university, Martin was informed that his non-tenured position would be terminated unless he agreed to the Governor's demands. Martin quickly complied.

Shortly thereafter, Assemblyman Martin called a major press conference; crediting himself as the first Republican legislator to recognize the extreme threat such weapons posed to the public. Behind a table full of threatening looking machineguns, courtesy of the New Jersey State Police, Assemblyman Martin called on other Republican Legislators to oppose the interests of the NRA, and to vote their conscience against the repeal. The spectacle of the press conference, props, timing and words were scripted directly from the Governor's office.

Numerous procedural delays placed a vote on the "Assault Weapon" repeal too close to the November 1992 Presidential election for any action. Having observed nine months of political wavering, desertion and inaction on the repeal, firearms owners across the state were growing impatient of the Republican leadership they had elected. Statewide efforts to support President Bush and other Republican candidates for Congress began collapsing as soon as it became evident the New Jersey Republican legislature was not going to pass the repeal. President Bush was, himself, under heavy criticism for banning the importation of similar firearms four years earlier, and of his newly promised support of the Brady Bill and a national "Assault Weapon" ban.

As a result, New Jersey firearms owners did not participate to any significant degree in the 1992 elections. Governor Florio's actions in holding up the repeal would later be credited as a significant factor in President Bush's narrow defeat, as well as the election of a Democratic New Jersey Congress. It was a 180 degree turnaround from the results of the elections only a year before.

The relentless media attention generated by the daily attacks from the Governor's office and the media held back any attempt for an override vote for the next six months. However, in March of 1993, the New Jersey Assembly voted to override the Governor's veto; sending shock waves through the Governor's office that his most valued piece of legislation would soon be reversed.

Once again, the Governors public relations office moved into high gear against the expected Senate override vote. In addition to its usual opposition, the media began running editorials and even prime time news stories predicting the upcoming bloodbath on New Jersey's streets. The Governor's cabinet was again directed to distribute supportive mailings through their respective offices.

The Attorney General's office sent a 14 page set of sample questions and answers to every police chief in the state, asking them to use the scripted arguments when contacting their local Senators, and in making public statements to the media. Entitled "Assault Weapons Arguments and Responses", it's introductory page most significantly began with the line, "1. This isn't about fighting crime. It's about paying off a campaign debt to the NRA."

Assemblyman Martin's turnaround was critically important due to the resulting outpouring of praise he received from the media. Such instant notoriety for a previously unknown and low level political figure was quickly recognized by other members of the Senate. Republicans in heavily Republican districts knew they had little to fear from angry gun owners in any upcoming election should they change their vote. On the other hand, a change in position would provide invaluable media exposure and praise for which no amount of money could buy. As a result, two Senators changed their votes; a few others made statements suggesting they might reconsider their decisions to support the legislation.

BLACKMAILING THE SENATE PRESIDENT

Aside from the public campaign opposing the Senate override, Governor Florio had found another approach which was far more likely to stop the "Assault Weapons" repeal bill from passing.

Senate President Donald DiFrancesco was a partner in the law firm of Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco & Kelly. Among their clients were two women, Baldasarre and Neumann, whom they had represented in previous legal matters and whom had years before inherited a 40.5 acre tract of land. Senator DiFrancesco's law firm was frequently called upon to review unsolicited offers to purchase the property by land developers - and during 1986 and 1987, had reviewed numerous contracts by various land developers; rejecting all offers for a variety of reasons.

In early February of 1987, Senator DiFrancesco's law partner, William Butler introduced Senator DiFrancesco's brother, Paul DiFrancesco, to the owners of the property with an offer to purchase the 40.5 acre tract. The recommendation of Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly to Baldasarre and Neumann was to accept the offer. Represented by his brother's law firm, Paul DiFrancesco entered into an agreement to purchase the property on February 12, 1987 for a price of $1,980,000.00; contingent upon sub-division approval within six months.

On April 9, 1987, Paul DiFrancesco entered a written agreement to sell the property to Messano Construction at a price of $3,600,000 with a confidentiality clause prohibiting advertisement of the property by Messano prior to the closing of the sale with Baldasarre and Neumann. Messano Construction had previously submitted a bid on the Baldasarre and Neumann property back in 1986 which, under advisement of Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly, the owners refused.

Senator DiFrancesco's law firm handled the transaction representing both seller and purchaser - the purchaser being his brother Paul; never disclosing to Baldasarre and Neumann the existence of the property assignment to Messano Construction.

Following the six month period of time in which Paul DiFrancesco was unable to receive the required sub-division approval, Baldasarre and Neumann were advised to grant another extension of time by Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly. At the time, Baldasarre and Neumann attempted to solicit new offers on the property since property values were rapidly escalating, but followed the strong recommendations of Senator DiFrancesco's law firm to grant an extension at the agreed upon price to Paul DiFrancesco. Questions by Baldasarre and Newmann directed to Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly regarding any other assignments by Paul DiFrancesco on the property were repudiated.

Upon confirmation that the property was assigned to Messano Construction, and that Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly would represent Paul DiFrancesco in that sale as well, Baldasarre and Neumann filed suit against Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly in March of 1988 seeking rescission of agreement, compensatory and punitive damages.

Incredibly, a July 3, 1990 decision of the trial court found no fault in the handling of the property sale by Senator DiFrancesco's law firm, and awarded $1,530,000 in punitive damages AGAINST Baldasarre and Neumann for attempting to rescind their sale agreement. (Speculation by many is that legislative influence from Senator DiFrancesco played some part the lower trial court decision.)

The case was appealed by Baldasarre and Neumann and reversed. In their decision on the appeal, The Superior Court, Appellate Division held that:

(1) "Attorney engaged in conflict of interest by representing both vendor and purchaser";

(2) "Attorney committed both legal and ethical fraud in failing to reveal existence of agreement under which purchaser was to assign interest":

Senator DiFrancesco's law firm appealed the decision to the New Jersey Supreme Court, which upheld the lower court decision in an unanimous decision dated March 11, 1993.

The decision of the New Jersey Supreme Court upholding the lower court finding of fraud against Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco & Kelly provided Governor Florio with the opportunity to destroy Senate President DiFrancesco at will. It would take no more than a phone call to the Attorney General to disbar Donald DiFrancesco and destroy his political career.

In addition to blackmailing the Senate President, two significant other actions would also benefit the Governor's chances of thwarting the Senate override.

Senator Raymond Lesniak, Chairman of the Democratic State Committee, would spend $750,000 in Democratic funds on a direct mailing campaign to those Republican Senators which previously showed a softening of position on the override vote. The mailings, custom prepared for each district and addressed with postage paid return postcards to each Senator, featured an UZI pointing toward the recipient with the caption, "Coming Soon To Your Neighborhood". Following the argument repeated thousands of times over the past three years, an inside sub heading read, "Don't Let Politicians Put Assault Weapons Back On Our Streets!", and featured a menacing picture of a MAC-11 for effect.

In addition to the impact of the mailing by the Democratic State Committee, Governor Florio had also met with Republican Senator Louis Bassano and offered him a position on the Casino Control Commission. In return, Bassano would turn his vote against the repeal bill.

A few days prior to the scheduled veto override vote, Senate President DiFrancesco called a major press conference to announce he would not vote for nor support the override of Governor Florio's veto - citing his personal concern for "Assault Weapons" in public hands. His meeting with the Governor only a few days before had left no doubt that a Senate override of his veto would unquestionably bring about an Attorney General investigation into the fraud and conflict of interest charges relating to Baldasarre vs. Butler.

Senator Bennett, Ewing and a few other Republican Senators influenced by the Democratic mailing joined the Senate President in publicly stating they would vote against the repeal.

THE OVERRIDE OF THE GOVERNOR'S VETO WAS DEAD.

To put the issue finally to rest, a formal override vote was taken during which a large number of Republican Senators agreed to vote no - a well worked out agreement; thus preventing the resources of NRA and New Jersey's firearms owners from opposing a select few Republicans in the upcoming elections. The remaining Republicans abstained. Not one Senate vote, Republican or Democrat, was cast in favor of overriding the Governors veto; providing the greatest legislative triumph for the Governor Florio in his three years in power.

As a result of four years of wide ranging forms of criminal activity within Governor Florio's administration, New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" legislation stands as the most restrictive "gun control" legislation in the United States. It is cited nationwide as an example of legislative foresight and courage. Few individuals outside the New Jersey political arena, however, have the slightest understanding as to the extent of time, money and illegal activity which have been used to force this legislation into place.

TODAY,

NEW JERSEY'S

"ASSAULT WEAPONS"

LEGISLATION

IS THE

SOLE ACCOMPLISHMENT

TO WHICH

GOVERNOR FLORIO

CAN POINT TO

DURING HIS

FOUR YEARS IN OFFICE.

SO, WHO LOST UNDER S.166?

There are far greater consequences to New Jersey's Assault Weapons ban than the difficulties it has forced on the firearms owners it affected. This legislation has negatively impacted every group of individuals involved in the controversy - even "gun control" proponents themselves.

Firearms Owners

Obviously, firearms owners have lost the most. Over two MILLION law-abiding citizens have lost their Second, Fifth, Ninth and Fourteenth Amendment rights; a growing number are losing their property, financial security and personal freedom. Anywhere between 300,000 and 500,000 New Jersey residents have been technically turned into felons due to this legislation. Over one hundred indictments have been handed down.

For 25 years, New Jersey firearms owners have complied with what is agreed by all to be the most stringent and restrictive firearms licensing procedures in the entire United States. They were told that by following the State's requirements they could lawfully own and use the firearms of their choice. They were told that registration of their firearms would never be used against them to track down their purchases. They were told there would be no need for any further "gun controls".

THEY WERE TOLD THEIR GUNS WOULD NEVER BE TAKEN AWAY!

For 25 years, New Jersey firearms owners have complied with often outrageous government restrictions and have maintained an exemplary record of responsible firearms ownership - only to learn the extent of the treachery their own government would ultimately undertake in eliminating their rights and freedoms.

The true magnitude of Governor Florio's legislation is still unknown. State Police officially estimate the number of privately owned Ak-47, UZI, Tec-9, MAC or AR-15 type firearms, (firearms most individuals associate with the term "Assault Weapon") at approximately 300,000. The New Jersey Attorney General has the authority to add additional firearms to the banned list at any time.

Surprisingly, hundreds of thousands of firearms owners still do not realize or simply cannot believe the fact that most .22 cal. semi- automatic target and boy scout rifles as well as many semi-automatic trap and skeet guns are included within the New Jersey's newly revised definition of "Assault Weapon". Recognizing the total number of gun owners in this state, and the fact that semi-auto .22 rifles or 12ga. shotguns are by far the most common types of firearms purchased, one may reasonably estimate another 500,000 weapons of this category are now also illegal; subjecting their owners to the same harsh prison sentences and heavy fines if caught.

A conservative estimated market value of the weapons in question ranges between $300 million and $450 million dollars. Legislators briefly considered offering payment for the firearms they were requiring New Jersey residents to surrender, but discontinued the proposal as soon as it was estimated the amount of state funds such a purchase would require. Adding to the violation of their Second Amendment rights is the state's violation of their Fifth and Seventh Amendment rights as well - seizing their personal property without compensation or due process of law.

New Jersey's firearms owners continue to show nothing but absolute contempt for Governor Florio's firearms law - with virtually zero percent of the owners of such firearms turning them over to the state as required. Olympic and competitive shooters, permitted to register and retain the use of 4 specific models of rifles for competitive purposes, remain the only group of firearms owner to even partially comply with this legislation.

Firearms owners are well aware that they may receive a knock on their door, or in fact, have their door kicked in at any time by the exact same local police departments which granted the permits to buy their firearms only a few years before. Many firearms owners fully expect that scenario to occur and have prepared for that probability.

Tens of thousands of weapons are now hidden across New Jersey. Others have been shipped out of state. Whereas four years ago most firearms would normally have been tightly secured in locked closets or gun safes, they are now distributed to less identifiable though far less secure hiding places. Firearms protected from rust and sealed against the elements in 10" PVC plastic pipes and surplus ammunition storage containers are literally buried in thousands of back yards and vacant lots throughout New Jersey.

For decades, the most steadfast opponents of "gun control" have predicted that government would inevitably violate the U.S. Constitution, ban the possession of firearms, and use registration lists to seize those guns already in private possession. That frightening scenario is today reality for over TWO MILLION residents, in what is increasingly being referred to as the "Peoples Republic of New Jersey".

Governor Florio

This investigative report exposing Governor Florio's corrupt administration could not be more appropri ately entitled FLORIOGATE.

Governor Florio violated his oath to the Governor's office and the trust of the citizens of this state. He has committed fraud, conspiracy, blackmail, and bribery on a scale far exceeding any other known political scandal. His primary benefit was obviously the re-direction of the media's interest away from the controversy of his many political problems and corruption scandals. His secondary benefit was that, by thwarting the Republican repeal attempt, he was also able to destroy the traditional support held by firearms owners for the Republican party - a tremendous benefit for Democrats in both the 1992 and 1993 elections. Following a landslide Republican victory in November of 1991, it is generally agreed that George Bush's support of Federal level "gun controls", combined with the New Jersey Republican legislature's failure to act on their promise to repeal S.166, caused the loss of this state to Bill Clinton by a mere 2 percent.

Governor Florio's actions, as well as the actions of those legislators whom conspired with him, have not only made a mockery of our legislative, political, and judicial systems, but they have sent the message to other local, state and federal legislators that the issue of "gun control" can be used to barter votes and political influence in exchange for significant financial profit.

Similar allegations of political corruption exist in New York, Virginia, California, Maryland and elsewhere - the common denominator being a trade of political favors, jobs, public contracts, etc. for restrictive legislation regulating private firearms ownership. History has shown other strong supporters of "gun control" legislation - Kennedy, Metzenbaum, Biaggi, Schumer, DeConcini, Torricelli, Clinton, etc. to all have backgrounds in some form of scandal - whether it be legislative, personal, business, sexual or financial.

As the results of the past election have shown, Governor Florio's use of the firearms issue was UNSUCCESSFUL in promoting him to a second term. Governor Florio vigorously pursued his attack upon firearms owners as the number one theme to his re-election campaign; championing the media portrait of himself, alone, against the immeasurable forces of the NRA. Although presented with the facts, the media would never report that the only contestant to the 1993 Governor's race receiving a NRA endorsement and funding was Jim Florio during his unsuccessful Gubernatorial challenge some 12 years earlier.

Government

The examples of political corruption cited in this report are generally known and easily verifiable; as very few members of New Jersey's legislative body are unaware of the private negotiations made by their fellow legislators. Throughout the entire four year period in which this legislation has been debated, the exact same charges of wrongdoing have been repeatedly disclosed to the press and news media through various sources. Yet, no action was ever taken; no interest even expressed.

With the involvement of both high ranking Democrats and Republicans in this statewide scandal, even the most fervent legislative supporters of the Second Amendment have remained silent - as much due to professional courtesy as the fact that exposing the truth would mean certain political suicide. The National Rifle Association, considered by many as the foremost opponent to New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" legislation, similarly placed respect for the political system, allegiance to the Republican Party, and fear of further political reprisal ahead of their obligation to publicize the truth.

Though viewed as a tremendous success against the NRA and the "gun lobby", this "Assault Weapons" legislation continues to stand as a legislative embarrassment to the former Governor due to virtually non-existent compliance. Almost all arrests to date have been made during roadblocks, DWI checkpoints, anonymous tips and through circumstances in which police have been called into a home. Full implementation of this legislation, however, is planned, and will result in thousands of future arrests.

For political figures across the United States, the most significant consequence of Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation will be the added attention supporters of "gun control" proposals will now attract. The sheer magnitude of Governor Florio's fraud and manipulation in supporting this issue, fueled in a large part by his corrupt dealings, greed and lust for power has highlighted many inescapable realities, such as:

Unlike past decades, in which legislative issues were openly debated in public forum, all significant legislative negotiations surrounding this issue were moved by Governor Florio behind closed doors and away from public view.

Governor Florio's actions proved that even the most compelling facts and arguments presented through hundreds of thousands of phone calls, letters and FAX's are worthless in influencing the decision of any legislator whose vote is based solely on the fear of blackmail, or on personal profit.

As a result of the inability to communicate with New Jersey's legislators, new political strategies have evolved; redirecting the activities of firearms owners into areas where they can more effectively influence a legislator's political career.

The dollar amount of public funds which can be easily moved and manipulated by legislators is simply staggering. Whether it be government contracts, legal work, the issuance and handling of bonds, construction jobs, appointments, consulting contracts, or individual positions, some percentage of the revenue moved through a legislator's district can easily be routed in directions which will influence the actions of others and/or result in some form of personal benefit. The manipulation of public funds represent the primary source of legislative influence peddling.

Skyrocketing election costs, often as much as 100 times the combined salary and benefits of the legislative position itself, certainly suggest there are secondary financial reasons why individuals seek public office. For a growing number of political figures, an elected position is viewed as nothing more than a passkey to the public treasury. Once such an ulterior interest is established, that particular legislator ceases to represent the public interest, and is instead under the dictate of whomever controls the flow of money and financing.

American media outlets exist solely as a political mouthpiece and propaganda tool. They have proven their commitment to lie, manipulate, and distort any issue in order to support their position or the position of an outside controlling force. That position is unlikely to change.

The issue of "gun control" will continue to be used as a means to draw public attention away from other issues and political activities as long as the media continues to contribute its enormous volume of free publicity and biased news reporting. Politicians are exploiting, and will continue to exploit, the fact that a call for "gun control" reaps unlimited praise and free publicity for as long as the issue is kept alive.

Governor Florio took away a significant amount of time previously expended by firearms owners in pursuit of the shooting sports; consequently freeing immeasurable time and energy to pursue other activities. Many firearms owners are using this time to investigate and publicize the less publicly known activities of specific political figures.

From initiatives already proven successful in California and New Jersey, firearms owners are now actively publicizing the obvious link between "gun control" and political corruption. Having destroyed the career of the Assembly author of their "Assault Weapons" law, Mike Roos, firearms owners in California have successfully called for the recall of their second highest political official and Senate author of the same legislation - Senate President David Roberti.

Roberti has virtually no chance of maintaining his legislative post, not due to his violation of the Second Amendment, but of the exposure to the public of numerous examples of unethical and illegal behavior. Firearms owners in California have clearly proven that they can destroy the career of any legislator by investigating their past actions, and exposing them to the general public. Given the nature of today's corrupt political environment, very few legislators can rest with the knowledge that there are no improprieties which can be raised and used against them.

As shown in this report, even cursory investigations into the backgrounds of "gun control" supporters have provided a wealth of information relating to criminal or, at very least, politically unethical activity. Individuals supporting "gun control" often forget the fact that firearms ownership is widespread throughout all professions; which makes the acquisition of incriminating information a simple task. Such information will continue to be publicized in direct campaigns against specific legislators as well as be turned over to the appropriate law enforcement authorities for official investigation and criminal prosecution.

The public has little interest or concern for "gun control" when compared to the more important issues of taxes, education, housing, health care, child care, unemployment, welfare, etc. With almost daily disclosures of some new political scandal, public respect for political figures is today at an all time low and declining even further. Most individuals view their elected officials as inherently unscrupulous, arrogant, self-serving and corrupt; involved in politics solely for personal gain. For that reason, the exposure of a political figure's criminal and/or unethical behavior is far more likely to result in a voter backlash and/or criminal investigation than the exposure of more serious charges of Constitutional and civil rights violations.

This publication, by showing the cause and effect relationship between criminal activity and "gun control" on the part of our elected officials, will undoubtedly initiate additional investigations here and nationwide. While this strategy is in no way advocated as a replacement to the Second Amendment as the defense of one's Constitutional "Right To Keep And Bear Arms", it is, in the absence of open, factual and reasonable discussion on this issue, one alternative means whereby individuals having no recourse through their legislators and the courts, can very effectively redirect their efforts.

It is likely that this new wave of firearms activist, in seeking to protect their rights under the Second Amendment, will actually become the primary watchdog over organized political corruption; in effect replacing the media in its former role. The results of such activity, although already discounted in the media due to its origin, may possibly result in an increase of positive exposure and public standing of the so called "gun lobby". This is likely to occur only after the secondary benefit to the public interest becomes known.

Law Enforcement

Governor Florio's firearms legislation has virtually destroyed the strong, long-standing relationship between firearms owners and police. While many police administrators do, in fact, strongly support "gun controls" and outright firearms prohibition, the great majority (75% and greater) of this nation's law enforcement community have been, and continue to be, supportive of the Second Amendment, and of the right of private citizens to own firearms.

The fact that Governor Florio was successful in using blackmail, bribery, threats and intimidation tactics against the one single group of individuals whose role in society it is to guard against such illegal activity, only underscores the total domination he once wielded over New Jersey state government.

Today, there is still no firm understanding within law enforcement as to exactly which firearms have been reclassified "Assault Weapons"; or which ammunition magazine or physical attachment defines an indictable offense. The New Jersey Attorney General's office has not issued a clear opinion even to its own prosecutors - determining the same firearm to one day be an "Assault Weapon" and the next, "A legal firearm suitable for sporting purposes". They will not provide clarification to public inquiries except for the standard official comment - "Read the law". When directed questions regarding this new gun law, New Jersey State Police have simply stated they - "Do not know".

Not surprisingly, the very first law-abiding firearms owner arrested, found guilty and sentenced for possession of a firearm under Governor Florio's legislation had actually spoken with police and had been advised regarding how to disable his firearms in order to comply with the new law.

Recognizing that the individual had not filed a particular document, the same police department which initially provided the faulty advice, acquired a search warrant, seized his entire collection of lawfully purchased and owned firearms, and arrested him on "Assault Weapons" violations. In his statement to the media at the time regarding the arrest, Governor Florio proudly stated, "THIS IS THE FIRST OF MANY."

Recognizing the fact that ALL FIREARMS OWNERSHIP in New Jersey is PRESUMED ILLEGAL until proven otherwise, all firearms owners are now prime targets for arrest and prosecution. With government incapable, or in many cases, refusing to provide any legal guidelines, even those few firearms owners seeking to comply with this legislation cannot receive reliable enough information in order to do so.

Police are equally vulnerable to the "Assault Weapons" law, since there is no legislative exemption for private police ownership. At least one New Jersey police officer has already been arrested and charged for possession of such weapons as a result of a case where neighboring police responded to a breaking and entering at the subject's home. Ironically, investigating police halted their pursuit of a suspect immediately upon finding some empty "high capacity magazines", waited for the homeowner to return home, forced him to produce the matching firearms, and arrested him on "Assault Weapons" charges. The final tally in this single case: One law enforcement career destroyed; another criminal back on the street.

Obviously overlooked is the fact that Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation will not protect one police officer from the threat of criminals using illegal firearms. The police are generally aware they were used as a negotiating tool; their lives and safety sold to publicize a non-issue for political advantage. They are only fortunate by the fact that the actual illegal use of such weapons in crimes is so very small, most police officers will never find themselves threatened by an "Assault Weapon" during their entire careers.

Following years in which the Attorney General and other supporters of various "gun control" proposals could create their own statistics, new legislation has forced the New Jersey Justice Department to compile statistics on the actual use of "Assault Weapons" in crimes. In the first year that verifiable statistics are available, the Attorney General has reported the following:

1) The incidence of "Assault Weapons", as defined in S.166, being used in crimes by individuals whom acquired those weapons illegally is a statistically insignificant 0.026 of 1 percent. In other words, within the criminal population, the probability that a semi-automatic "Assault Weapon" type firearm is used in a crime in New Jersey is approximately 26/1000ths of one percent, or statistically zero. This percentage is actually less than the incidence of similar weapons used in crimes in other states of approximately 1 to 2 percent.

2) The incidence of "Assault Weapons", as defined in S.166, being used in crimes by individuals whom acquired those weapons legally through the state's permit system is ZERO.

3) The overwhelming majority of individuals arrested for "Assault Weapon" have been individuals whom acquired the weapons legally prior to June of 1989, have no prior criminal records, have never misused firearms, but did not dispose of them as required under the new law.

4) From the results of the Justice Department finding, First Attorney General Frederick De Vesa has stated, "We're ready to concede that there is not really a high percentage of crimes committed with assault firearms."

Contrary to legislation established by the Federal Firearms Owners Protection Act of 1986, State Police and local authorities have been quietly and illegally gathering and compiling registration data on the owners of the restricted firearms from the records of local police as well as licensed firearms dealers.

Whether a police swat raid in search of suspected "Assault Weapons" replaces the infamous income tax audit as the ultimate tool of political intimidation and terror remains to be seen.

Today, full police powers can be easily brought down upon any individual opposing a politically connected legislator or individual simply by cross referencing the individual's name to the State Police records list of firearms and firearms owners. The wide open definition of "Assault Weapon" can be applied to the vast majority of semi- automatic firearms owned in New Jersey. Such terror tactics, however, are not likely to be limited to opponents within the firearms issue alone. With approximately 50% of all households in New Jersey containing firearms of various types, there is the high probability that critics of other political issues will be targeted using S.166 as well. Outside of government and various political entities, residents must also fear the fact that all State Police records on firearms ownership are public property and also available to the general public through the Freedom of Information Act.

Ultimately, New Jersey's police officers will be called upon to enforce Governor Florio's legislation by seizing firearms from the homes of its citizens. During legislative hearings in which questions about that phase of the legislation was raised, numerous police officials showed strong apprehension and fear over sending their officers on such dangerous assignments. Obviously, should just one percent of New Jersey's firearm owners resist the violation of their Constitutional and Civil Rights and the illegal seizure of their personal property with violence, untold death and injury will certainly result.

Reliable sources within the NJ State Police have, in fact, confirmed the request for special swat teams to seize "Assault Weapons" from those firearms owners in non- compliance. NJ State Police have required that swat teams charged with carrying out such raids will be comprised of ALL VOLUNTEERS - a request very likely based on the potential violence such actions will provoke. Information exists that the initial wave of search warrants issued will be targeting officers of NRA and pro-gun organizations, other leading defenders of the Second Amendment, and local firearms activists. Any such effort would be headed by the current Superintendent of State Police, Justin Dentino, an individual closely aligned to former Governor Florio, as well as a vehement advocate of banning the private possession of all firearms.

Historically, examples of such actions exist in every civilization in which the government has used force to take away the people's arms. The first shots fired over two hundred years ago, which ultimately let to the creation of this Country, began because a peoples' government came to forcibly seize their arms. The horrific events earlier this year in Waco, Texas were also initiated by a government that came in order to seize the guns! Most New Jersey firearms owners fear, and fully expect, that some level of government force will be used against them in the near future.

The Public

Viewed in terms of the largest number of individuals negatively affected by Governors Florio's legislation, one must conclude that the entire general population of New Jersey has lost greatly.

According to the 1992 NJ Uniform Crime Report, approximately 1.5 MILLION residents have been victims of violent crimes during the period of time Governor Florio used his administration's full resources in first passing, and then preventing the repeal of, New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" legislation. Millions of dollars in state funds, which could have been used in combating crime or in helping crime victims, were instead misused for political advantage. Out of 48,650 violent crimes committed in New Jersey during the year 1992, a total of 13 cases involved illegally obtained "Assault Weapons". Not one of which was prevented nor could have been prevented by New Jersey's "Assault Weapon" ban.

Again, it is only fortunate that the actual use of such firearms in the commission of violent crimes is extremely small, and does not constitute a threat to public safety. Nevertheless, there was, four years ago, the opportunity to seriously punish violent criminals for their use and possession of "Assault Weapons". That opportunity to serve the citizens of this state was passed over by Governor Florio and his Democratic supporters solely for political gain.

The degree to which Governor Florio and the news media have manipulated this issue is already recognized by most of the two million New Jersey residents who are firearms owners and who are well aware of the facts. What the general public and even most firearms owners do not know, however, is the role the enormous volume of political corruption played in the passage of Governor Florio's legislation. It is hoped that the facts behind New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" legislation be ultimately recognized as a result of the electronic distribution of this investigation.

The Media

Unquestionably, Governor Florio could never have succeeded in propagating such a massive fraud against the citizens of New Jersey had the media allowed honest reporting on this issue. The organized news media, in its zeal to support its own agenda against private firearms ownership, KNOWINGLY IGNORED blatant examples of fraud, corruption, blackmail, bribery and the assorted other criminal activities of our highest ranking political figures.

With the issue of firearms being only ONE example, the media has clearly proven the abandonment of their First Amendment responsibility. They have virtually eliminated this most fundamental and important guarantee of individual freedom to the American public.

Over the past four years, the media has donated untold millions of dollars in free advertising and publicity to the Governor. While sensationalist and false information supplied from both the Governor's office and Handgun Control, Inc. was publicized in virtually every state newspaper on a weekly, if not daily basis, paid advertisements submitted by NRA and other pro-Second Amendment organizations were refused. The media disallowed any opposing opinion to the agenda established by the Governor's office.

The Governor's 1993 re-election committee threatened, in writing, every newspaper, radio and television station with civil lawsuit should they accept advertising from the National Rifle Association. In many cases, the content of articles, editorials and even "public opinion polls" were changed at the Governor's demand.

One argument made by supporters of the Second Amendment has been that individual rights under the First Amendment would first have to be destroyed before "gun control", or more accurately, the elimination of the private ownership of firearms, could be implemented. That argument was conclusively proven correct by the actions of Governor Florio during the Gubernatorial elections. Yet, rather than rise up over the outrageous violation of their own First Amendment Rights, the media willingly complied.

To further support his goals, Governor Florio spent unknown millions of tax dollars on the unscheduled promotional advertising for various state interests and departments; threatening the cancellation of such advertisements from any media outlet accepting NRA or sportsmen produced ads. As a result, only ONE political advertisement was allowed to appear from NRA or any sportsmens group throughout the entire 1993 election campaign.

Outraged by any attempt to oppose him, Governor Florio sent a directive to all county prosecutors demanding the arrest and prosecution of automobile drivers displaying the NRA produced bumper sticker, Florio-Free in '93. Once again, the same media and so-called civil liberties supporters which immediately scream at even the suggestion of censoring any speech or printed material short of child pornography, never even raised a whisper of concern.

As stated previously, the information presented here only represents the most blatant violations of official conduct and criminal activity on the part of former Governor Florio and various New Jersey legislators. Additional information and evidence exists to direct new investigations into other areas as well.

As the facts relating to this issue unfold from the distribution of this investigative report, the question will remain of whether the organized news media will reassume the forgotten role of government watchdog, or whether they will maintain their four year news blackout of the Governor's illegal activities. Regardless, as examples of former Governor Florio's legislative corruption gradually become known, the credibility of the mass media will only be further diminished - thereby providing less protection for similar corrupt political activity in the future.

Already, examples of

Governor Florio's

past criminal activities

have broken through the news front and into public awareness.

They are:

Leases: Assemblyman Wayne Bryant's $2.8 million leasing con tract with the state for office space in an empty building he owned. There was no documented need, nor any official state request for the office space. It was rented, however, at twice the prevailing rate for office space in that area. Presently under Grand Jury investigation.

QEA: Assemblyman Doria and Senator Ambrosio are under Grand Jury investigation relating to their illegal transfer and diversion of $1.5 million in education funds into Ambrosio's legislative district. Governor Florio then arranged a second $1.5 million grant through the Department of Commerce in replacement for the rescinded $1.5 million in education funds.

Coastal Copier: Governor Florio's largest campaign contributor is under investigation for submitting forged ownership documents and for receiving a $1.7 million no bid state contract while at the same time owing over $1 million in back taxes.

Senator Bassano: Forced to turn down his appointment by Governor Florio to the Casino Control Commission follow ing public criticism over the position being a reward for selling his vote to the Governor.

NJ Turnpike Bonds: Millions of dollars in profits from the Governor's sale of state highway to the NJ Turnpike Authority were routed through his Chief of Staff, Joe Salema's, newly formed bond company, Armicon. Bond companies profiting from the $400 million in bond work contributed heavily to Governor Florio's re-election cam paign. Joe Salema has resigned as Chief of Staff due to this scandal. Presently under Grand Jury investigation.

Future scandals awaiting official investigation are:

Judgeships: The Governor's "sale" of judgeships in return for political campaign contributions. Under preliminary investigation.

Nursing Homes: Governor Florio allowed his Commissioner of the Department of Health, Brenda Bacon, to institute changes in the state's approval of all nursing home expansions. As a result, she and the Governor's Chief of Staff, Joe Salema, received the only state approvals for the nursing homes they jointly owned.

Governor Florio's financial relationship to Joe Salema: In 1988, then Congressman Florio received a percentage of the profits produced from the sale of real estate owned by Joe Salema, Brenda Bacon and associate Nick Rudy under the company heading of Consolidated Financial. Congressman Florio received a 25% share of profits as reported on his income tax return although not listed as part of any corporation or entity owning the subject property. Joe Salema began his political career as Congressman Florio's chauffeur. Through the funneling of no bid contracts and bond work through Salema's many startup financial holdings, he has become a millionaire many times over. It is heavily suspected that a percentage of those profits derived from the Governor's influence are being indirectly channeled back to the Governor.

Mudge-Rose: Due to public outcry over the large number of Florio Administration officials that accepted high salaried positions with companies to which they previously directed state business, Governor Florio signed an Executive Order barring such employment for ex-officials for a set period of time. Out of office, Jim Florio has since received a reported $750,000 to $1,000,000 position with the law firm of Mudge-Rose Guthrie Alexander & Ferdon, the same firm to which he directed tens of millions of dollars of no bid bond review work for the New Jersey Sports Authority as Governor. Against recently filed ethics charges, Jim Florio has stated his Executive Order barring such employment is not binding upon the Governor's office. Investigations are pending.

MTF: The official "priority list" of 49 law firms, many owned by Democratic legislators and associates of the Governor, which have been selected to share in $45 million in insurance related legal fees from the newly created insurance Market Transition Facility.

Senator Lesniak: Lesniak used his position as Chairman of the Senate Labor, Industry and Professions Committee to promote key legislation supportive of his private law practice. Lesniak's law firm has reaped millions of dollars in legal fees from insurance firms at the same time he would, as a legislator, propose legislation beneficial to his insurance clientele.

The Courts

Senator Russo was entirely correct in stating that his proposed "Assault Weapons" legislation would be enough a violation of the Second Amendment to warrant its overturn in court. But he was also correct in stating that the New Jersey courts would never oppose the state with such an opinion.

In questions of firearms law, New Jersey Courts have traditionally shown minor distinction between lawful and unlawful firearms ownership. New Jersey Courts have openly acknowledged their biased view of the NJ:2C firearms code as a means to "reduce the proliferation of firearms" - rather than as a basis to arbitrate individual eligibility to own firearms, or to consider questions of Constitutional law.

New Jersey Courts have upheld the argument that the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution DOES NOT afford New Jersey residents protection under either the United States Constitution or the Bill of Rights.

In New Jersey, the Superior Court not only judges the validity of firearms legislation, they administer the law as well. All licenses required to carry handguns, or to purchase "Assault Weapons" and machineguns must be approved by a Superior Court Judge. In cases of handgun carry permits, New Jersey judges deny virtually all applications and have case law from the NJ Supreme Court to support such decisions.

Retired police officers are currently lobbying in support of legislation which would give them special exemption to the current carry permit restrictions. This has been prompted since the New Jersey Supreme Court has ruled that even security guards and private investigators cannot demonstrate sufficient "need" to carry firearms. A dual system of "justice" exists in New Jersey which, governed by an unwritten protocol, legislators and individuals having the necessary political ties are the only individuals granted handgun carry licenses.

Firearm owners have little promise of raising any future Constitutional challenge within a judicial system which has become so thoroughly corrupted. The fact that judgeships have been routinely "sold" or "traded" in this state in return for political contributions, favors and votes makes it highly unlikely this issue will ever receive fair and impartial judicial review. Firearms owners arrested in violation of this legislation have virtually no chance of receiving a fair trial.

Given the checks and balances written into the U.S. Constitution, it is obvious that the Founding Fathers never anticipated the vast degree of political corruption which exists within the American Court system today.

"Gun Control" Supporters

From the very beginning of this decades long controversy, "gun control" supporters have adamantly refuted any claim that their objective was to restrict, ban, or in any way prevent the ownership of firearms by law-abiding citizens. Handgun Control, Inc. advertises their objective simply as, "Working to keep handguns out of the wrong hands". The National Coalition to Ban Handguns has changed its name to the "Center to Prevent Handgun Violence".

The recent events in New Jersey, however, prove that any such claims to be complete and absolute lies. Like S.166 and "gun control" legislation elsewhere, "gun control" advocates have consistently shown their intention to have far less to do with controlling the possession and use of firearms by criminals, than to make all and any firearms unavailable to the American public.

The entire nationwide controversy over so-called "Assault Weapons" had nothing to do with crime but was, in fact, created by one consultant to Handgun Control, Inc., Josh Sugerman. Sugerman polled the general public to identify their understanding (but more importantly their misunderstanding) of firearms, and quickly recognized the tremendous confusion relating to machineguns and semi-automatic firearms. From his research, Sugerman recommended that Handgun Control move their activity from the area of banning handguns, to the banning of semi-automatic firearms; labeling them "Assault Weapons" through the media. Semi-automatic firearms were targeted not due to the incidence in crimes, but due to the fact that it presented the greatest opportunity to manipulate the general population. Exploiting the unknowing public continues to be the primary tactic used in the fight toward greater "gun control".

With a set of pre-qualifying police background checks, proficiency tests, mental health checks, and other restrictions governing all classes of firearms, and with statistics showing virtually ZERO crimes of any type committed by licensed gun owners, New Jersey prior to Jim Florio as Governor should have been the example by which HCI and similar organizations could hold as an example of success. Instead, they have overwhelmingly proven their sole intention as being the elimination of all private firearms ownership. Citing the civil rights violations now occurring in New Jersey, a small but growing number of individuals previously supportive of "gun controls" are now beginning to question that position, and the fact of whether such unlikely benefit toward reduced crime is worth the enormous risks to their own Constitutional freedoms and safety.

Such fraud on the part of "gun control" supporters has prevented any rational discussion of the issue, and will continue to do so, as long as legislators fail to recognize the true objectives of those proponents advocating "reasonable gun controls".

IN SHORT, THE ISSUE OF

REDUCING THE CRIMINAL ACQUISITION OF ALL TYPES OF FIREARMS COULD BE SOLVED TOMORROW - IF THAT WERE TRULY THE OBJECTIVE!

Needless to say, following the success of his firearms legislation here in New Jersey, Governor Florio and various other "gun control" supporting organizations have testified before Congress in favor of federal "Assault Weapons" legislation patterned after the same restrictions in New Jersey. Whether the rest of the United States follows the police state tactics used by the State of New Jersey against its law-abiding citizens remains to be seen.

Recommendations

Based upon the information presented here, it should be obvious that the firearms or "Assault Weapons" issue is quite secondary in importance to the primary question of how such extensive political corruption has been allowed to flourish unchecked in New Jersey. This investigation simply illustrates the results of a corrupt political system operating in an absence of media attention and judicial impartiality.

For individuals unfamiliar with traditional New Jersey politics, the activities cited in this report would more likely be associated with a major organized crime syndicate. In truth Governor Florio has ruled New Jersey using the exact same principles and methods during the past four years.

This investigation also demonstrates how INTERDEPENDENT one Constitutional freedom is upon all others, and of the critical importance of a true separation of powers. Obviously, had the First Amendment been upheld in the reporting of this issue, the violation of the Second Amendment and much of the accompanying political corruption would have never occurred. Similarly, had the Second, Fifth, Ninth and Fourteenth Amendments been acknowledged and applied by the courts in the legal review of this legislation, S.166 would never have been allowed to stand.

Governor Florio could have manipulated other issues as the vehicle to coverup his many controversial actions and decisions. Given the media's long standing opposition to private firearms ownership, coupled to the knowledge of the publics complete misunderstanding of the issue, however, his call for a law banning Assault Weapons" was obviously the most effective choice.

Today, the call for "gun control" continues as the means for any local, state or national political figure to attain almost instantaneous and unanimous positive exposure in the media. The reasons for such actions vary.

For most legislators, the call for "gun control" is simply a means to appease their constituents' demand to take action against our growing violent crime problem. Whether or not they are aware of the facts, it is far easier to support intangible legislation, having already been sold to the public by the mass media as the solution to the problem, than it is to address the root causes of crime, the failure of the courts and the obvious collapse of the entire criminal justice system.

As documented here, the issue of "gun control" is also an invaluable political tool for redirecting the attention of the media elsewhere. Whether it be former Governor Florio's need to cover-up his private political dealings, former New York City Mayor Dinkins' corruption furor, Senator DeConcini's sidestep of his involvement in the savings and loan scandal, or President Clinton's numerous political and personal scandals, political figures will continue to prostitute the firearms issue to their own advantage as long as they are guaranteed unqualified positive press exposure. Political figures are likely to exploit the uninformed public regarding all aspects of the firearms issue for years to come.

This New Jersey Investigative Report is submitted as an example of government in its most dangerous, corrupt and disgraceful form. We feel we have presented just cause, supported by ample information, to warrant a full and thorough investigation into the criminal activities which have taken place over the past four years of Governor Florio's Administration.

This report is the result of months of investigation and interviews. It is based upon publicly known facts as well as privately held information acquired from interviews with individuals most closely involved in the issue. Confidential information has been obtained from past and present New Jersey legislators, police and government officials and from individuals within the former Governor's inner circle. Nevertheless, additional examples of corruption and scandal, currently undocumented, await exposure through a formal criminal investigations.

Documentation supporting the information presented in this investigation is available and is being compiled for future release through the same electronic media outlets.

The names of specific individuals cited as sources to this report can be provided although the most cursory examination into the above allegations will yield individuals knowledgeable of the same facts. Further examination into the corrupt activities within Governor Florio's former administration will undoubtedly require a full Federal investiga tion exercising subpena power, witness immunity, and the forced testimony under oath of key individuals.

We therefore specifically request:

1) The New Jersey Attorney General launch a thorough investigation into the administrative and cri minal misconduct of former Governor Florio and of those legislators identified through this investigation.

2) United States Attorney General Janet Reno commission a thorough investigation into the administrative and criminal misconduct of former Governor Florio and those legislators identified through this investigation for the purpose of establishing cause to bring forward formal criminal charges pursuant to United States Code - Title 18; Chapter 96 - Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations, pursuant but not limited to Sections: 201 (bribery), 1344 (financial fraud), 1503 (obstruction of justice), 1510 (obstruction of criminal investigations), 1511 (Obstruction of law enforcement), 1512 (tampering with a witness or informant), 1513 (retaliation against a witness or informant), interference with commerce, robbery, extortion), 1952 (racketeering).

3) The United States Congress hold investigative hearings relating to the criminal misconduct of former Governor Florio and those legislators named in the above investigation for the purpose of establishing the violation of civil rights against the residents of the State of New Jersey.

Summation

The activities that have occurred during the past four years of Governor Florio's administration are a violation of virtually every principle upon which the United States was founded and built.

Governor Florio has corrupted the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government. He has violated the First, Second, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Ninth, Tenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution. He has created a public mistrust and contempt for government not seen since the days of prohibition. He has blatantly violated his sworn Oath of Office. He has, by every defi nition, created an aggressive police state. And he has broadcast his success in doing so to every other corrupt, self-serving political figure in this country; thereby encouraging political corruption elsewhere.

It is likely that President Clinton's call for a New Jersey styled "Assault Weapons" ban is the result of the need to improve his low popularity. Given the well documented volume of bribes and political favors paid out to specific Congressmen in order to pass the President's North American Free Trade Agreement and retroactive tax increase package, bribes estimated to be an average $7.5 MILLION PER VOTE, American firearms owners can fully expect that similar "incentives" will be the main underlying motivation toward President Clinton's anti-gun agenda as well.

With the high priority of the media to ban the private possession of all and any firearms possible, it is virtually guaranteed that even the most blatant examples of political corruption would receive no media exposure - A fact President Clinton and the entire United States Congress are well aware.

As a private firearms owner, you must recognize the fact that there has never been "gun control" legislation written which has to do strictly with the criminal use of firearms. It has to do with restricting YOUR USE AND OWNERSHIP of firearms. You must also recognize the fact that even if you do not own an "Assault Weapon" or semi- automatic firearm, you certainly own some other type of firearm your government will find some excuse to ban. Handgun Control already has the most powerful argument against your ownership of bolt action rifles in the Zapruder film, which captured President Kennedy's assassination, waiting to be used.

Remember, YOU are the number one target of your government. It is not the murderer, not the criminal, not the drug dealer. It is YOU! "Assault Weapons" are simply the popular excuse of today - much like "Saturday Night Specials" and "Cop Killer Bullets" a few years back.

Your government desperately fears your ability to own ANY FIREARM, and they are in the midst of a well organized propaganda campaign to convince the general public they need to seize whatever you have. You must finally recognize that every method available to government, whether legal and illegal, will be used against you in order to take away your firearms.

And that at some future point, they will begin kicking down doors to get them.

FOR THE ABOVE REASONS,

IS CRITICALLY IMPORTANT THAT YOU UNDERSTAND, COPY AND DISTRIBUTE THIS REPORT TO BOTH LEGISLATIVE REPRESENTATIVE AS WELL AS

FIREARMS ACTIVISTS IN YOUR AREA

SINCE IN ALL PROBABILITY,

YOUR RIGHTS WILL BE DESTROYED

USING THE EXACT SAME TACTICS

AS OUTLINED

IN THIS INVESTIGATION.

THANK YOU.

ADDENDUM

Our effort to expose the widespread corruption of the Florio administration is inspired by the interest to the preserve of the United States Constitution in its entirety. It is dedicated to the many individuals and organizations which have supported this initiative by providing critically important facts, memos, supportive documentation, interviews, witnesses and numerous offerings of incriminating information.

The author of this investigative report wishes to acknowledge the strength of the millions of New Jersey residents whom have persevered through the past four years during which civil rights protection under the United States Constitution has ceased to exist.

Due to the events at Ruby Ridge, Waco, and other situations where the full force of our government has been called upon to destroy one or more targeted individuals, the source of this document has chosen to remain anonymous - AT THIS TIME.

This should, by no means, be taken to imply that the information contained herein is tainted, untrue, or based upon anything but solid fact. Within this report we have requested both State and Federal investigations into the charges presented, and will provide the names of specific witness at that time. The same facts, information, names and witnesses upon which this document is based are available as well from numerous other individuals whom have been involved in the past four years of opposition to this legislation.

Firearms owners in New Jersey are painfully aware of the tactics that can, and have been used against them by political individuals and the agencies under their control. Aside from the tremendous threat of the current "Assault Weapons" legislation, too many other avenues exist for political retribution - both State and Federal. Former Governor Florio has privately conceded that firearms owners were the primary factor preventing his reelection, and has vowed to use whatever influence sill available to him to exact retribution.

It is indeed a disgrace that the United States Constitution has been so thoroughly weakened - that it can no longer provide any protection over the dissemination of the above information. Yet, FEAR has become the reality of firearms ownership in New Jersey today - and for years to come.

This document is being distributed exclusively in a unique forum through electronic bulletin boards (BBS) across the United States and overseas. Aside from circumventing the influence of government, as well as the puppeteers behind our hopelessly corrupt media, this electronic communications medium provides the ability to greatly speed the distribution of FLORIOGATE.

Since everyone reading this electronic file has the capability to reproduce it in its EXACT original form, it allows anyone to act as publisher and distributor. Supporters of the Second Amendment, as well as individuals concerned over the widespread corruption which has flourished behind the cover of this issue are encouraged to upload FLORIOGATE (FLORIO.ZIP) to every BBS system available, and to print and distribute it widely.

Supporters of the Second Amendment should realize that their future is fully dependant upon the actions they, themselves, take today to defend their few remaining rights. Opposing your once guaranteed rights are the combined forces of federal, state and local governments.

The information contained herein offers a powerful argument against enacting similar legislation nationally, as well as in your State or local area. It also suggests new methods by which to most effectively direct your legislative efforts at similarly corrupt politicians. Getting this information out to the general public is totally dependant upon your actions, and your actions alone.

Replies to this report can be directed through computer to Patrick Henry at the following BBS numbers - (201) 726-0038 (2400) or (201) 729- 9538 (9600). Modem communications should be set at N-8-1.

Your Password - FLORIOGATE

**********

Your assistance is requested in distributing this

investigative report through all available outlets - both electronic and printed.

Full permission is granted to reproduce this document in part or in its entirety.

"By calling attention to 'a well regulated militia', the 'security' of the nation, and the right of each citizen 'to keep and bear arms', our founding fathers recognized the essentially civilian nature of our economy".

"Al though it is extremely unlikely that the fears of government tyranny which gave rise to the Second Amend ment will ever be a major danger to our nation, the Amendment still remains an important declaration of our basic civilian-military relationships, in which every citizen must be ready to participate in the defense of his country.

For that reason, I believe the Second Amendment will always be important.

Senator John F. Kennedy

April 1960